Monday, February 7, 2011

No new international airport is needed

When a realisation of sorts comes but a little too late subsequent to a mass agitation by the outraged, derided and trivialised people —- thousands of whom were about to be displaced from their ancestral homes —- one may describe it as ‘not bad’. As it has obviously transpired, the whole pandemonium and violence emanated from the Government’s capricious, unsound plan not based on proper survey of agricultural, economic, environmental and other crucial aspects; and above all, ignoring the all-important human factor.

It was not to hail the AL Government that the people of Alampur village in Munshiganj distributed sweets among themselves on February 3 after the cabinet decided that the airport will not be constructed in Arial Beel (a vast swampy wetland) against people’s will; in point of fact it was a celebration of the people’s struggle that began since December 24, 2010 both in Munshiganj and Dhaka against the irrational, highly expensive Government plan for a new international airport, an absolutely redundant project.

The ruling Awami League (AL) should have known that coming to power winning two-thirds of the parliament seats and enjoying absolute majority is no carte blanche: it is no free rein to choose whatever course of action one wants.

Over the past months incensed and infuriated masses —- to whom the Beel is an invaluable gift of Nature and the source of sustenance as its rich bounty of harvest helps them survive —- had been agitating against the government’s utterly inconsiderate and mindless wish without caring a fig for the sensitivities, realities and inevitable distress of the ordinary people. But when the authority stuck to their guns and advanced their plan the people under the banner of the Arial Beel Raksha Committee (ABRC), formed a human chain at Hasara demanding cancellation of the government’s move to build the proposed airport on farmland at an estimated cost of Tk 50,000 crore. Clash ensued with the law enforcers on the Dhaka-Mawa Road at Srinagar in Munshiganj on 31st January, resulting in the sad killing of a police officer and injury to more than a hundred people, including journalists and policemen. The ruling AL’s patent angry outbursts to scapegoat the Opposition BNP Chairperson were indispensably there to conceal its own misdeeds; cases were filed against a whopping 21,000 villagers including Khaleda Zia as instigator.

The people understand that the ruling AL high command is ill-advised by a bunch of spineless sycophants because of whom Sheikh Hasina’s government is committing one faux pas after another. Among politicos are radical diehards some of whom want to emerge as enfant terrible and wreak havoc doing much more potential harm and causing serious disservice to their party’s image than to themselves through their utterances.

We have no words to condemn the news of lodging case by a public prosecutor on behalf of the government against Khaleda with reference to scuffles between villagers and the law-enforcers in Munshiganj. This act is particularly reprehensible to accuse Opposition leader in Parliament of inciting violence when she was far away from the scene of occurrence. What a brand of democracy is it devoid of ethical values and minimum sense of decorum? It is a known fact that large masses of local people and environmentalists were eloquent in expressing their concerns that the project would affect their livelihoods, besides the ecology and environment. The government should remember that in a democratic dispensation it is obligatory on the part of the Opposition leader to strongly support the public grievances and sentiments against the airport project in Arial Beel. Such democratic criticism of a government’s action can never be an incitement to violence, whatsoever.

Experts in this field have made it abundantly clear through published articles that the Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport —- which is now very much underutilised with about one-third of its full capacity in terms of usage by aircraft in addition to adequate space for runway expansion for the next 30 years. The bottom-line is: the country does not need another international airport at all for the next three decades.

Donors, diplomats concerned about Bangladesh attitude towards Grameen Bank’s founder Prof. Yunus

THE FOREIGN minister, Dipu Moni, held an emergency meeting with ambassadors and senior diplomats in Dhaka to justify the Bangladesh government’s decision to hold an inquiry into the Grameen Bank, diplomats have told New Age.

The meeting at the foreign ministry was held on January 9 just over a week after Ellen Goldstein, the World Bank’s Bangladesh country representative, had sent a letter to the finance minister raising concerns on behalf of bilateral and other international donors about how the government was dealing with the Grameen Bank.

At the briefing, Dipu Moni explained to diplomats that the government considered the Grameen bank to be an ‘organ of the state’ and that there were many alleged irregularities which needed investigation.

Three days later, the government announced the formation of a five member inquiry team led by AK Monowar Uddin Ahmed of Dhaka University to look into the affairs of the Grameen Bank.

New Age can also reveal that a few days before the diplomatic briefing, Dipu Moni’s office phoned up the Asian University of Woman to inform it that the prime minister would only speak at the university’s international conference in Dhaka, which was to be held later that month, if Muhammad Yunus was removed from the programme.

Yunus had been invited by Cherie Blair, one of the university’s patrons and wife of former UK prime minister Tony Blair, to give a ‘keynote’ speech at the end of the conference.

The university has also asked him to be part of a special day of celebrations honoring 25 students who were daughters of Grameen Bank borrowers.

Following the intervention of Dipu’s office, Yunus’s agreed involvement in the conference was cancelled.

Omar Shareef, the university’s chief operating officer, denied that Yunus’s absence had anything to do with the government. ‘There was scheduling conflicts and that was the reason why Muhammed Yunus could not attend,’ he said.

A Grameen Bank statement to New Age however said, ‘Professor Yunus was scheduled to preside over the closing plenary of the conference. There was also a programme planned with the AUW Muhammad Yunus’ scholars at the Grameen Bank headquarters. These programmes were set for many months. We were informed by the university authorities at the last moment that due to unavoidable circumstances these programmes could no longer take place. They were therefore cancelled.’

A spokesperson at the foreign minister’s office said that he was unable to comment as Dipu Moni, was outside the country.

On the morning of January 9, all embassies in Dhaka received a letter inviting ‘ambassadors and high commissioners’ to a briefing later that day at the foreign ministry.

‘The foreign minister started by saying that the country was facing a lot of challenges,’ one diplomat present at the meeting told New Age. ‘Dipu Moni went on to say that the government would be happy if all it had to deal with was terrorism and food prices, and the war crimes trial but sometimes things come along requiring the government to respond and Grameen Bank was one of them.’

‘Dipu Moni then said that the government was aware of the concerns from friendly countries which was why she wanted to dispel misconceptions about what kind of entity the Grameen Bank was,’ the diplomat continued, reading from contemporaneous notes taken at the meeting.

‘She then went on for 30 minutes to read out from a thick dossier she had in front of her. She mostly read out long chunks from the 1983 Grameen Bank Ordinance, but also the constitution and the 1940 lenders act.’

‘Her basic point was that the notion that the Grameen Bank is independent of the government is a complete non-starter. It is a statutory public authority and therefore an instrument of the state, she said. Sometimes she also referred to the Grameen Bank as an “organ of the state” to be governed by the government. She emphasised that the government determines everything about the bank, what work it does, the scope of capital and the authority to wind it up.’

‘The foreign minister referred a number of times to the fact that since 1990 the government has helped out Grameen when its capital had been short.’

Continuing to quote from notes taken at the meeting, the diplomat said Dipu Moni listed a number of issues that would be examined by the inquiry.

These included whether Grameen Bank was lending to people not entitled to get loans (‘not the landless poor’); whether Yunus was in office beyond his compulsory retirement age; claims that changes of the terms of employment of staff were unlawfully gazetted in the name of Muhammed Yunus; and the allegation that companies had been formed which were ‘not authorised by law.

‘She also raised questions about the guarantees that were furnished, the levels of interest rates and the methods of collection,’ the diplomat said.

Other diplomats confirmed the accuracy of this diplomat’s recollection.

The meeting lasted for about half an hour.

Monowar Uddin Ahmed, the chair of the review committee set up to look into the Grameen Bank’s affairs, told New Age that its inquiry would be objective.

It would look at the ‘overall functioning of the Grameen bank and suggest how to improve functions of the bank in the future and in that context look at all legal economic social dimensions of the bank,’ he said

‘There is also a provision for a special audit of the Grameen Bank by the Bangladesh Bank which will be a supplementary to the review. The committee has also been asked to make s list of sister organisations of the Grameen Bank and find out the relationship of the Grameen Bank to these sister organisations and to review all the news flashed into the media particularly about the Norwegian programme and to assess whether there was any transfer of funds to a sister organisation.’

On being asked to comment on Dipu Moni’s comment to the diplomats, the Grameen Bank firmly rejects the argument that it is a government body.

In a written statement to New Age it points out that the 1983 Grameen Bank Ordinance states that the government only ‘owns 25 per cent of the bank’ and is allowed to nominate only 3 of the 12 directors.

It states that although the bank was a ‘statutory body,’ under the provisions of the ordinance, ‘the board of the Grameen Bank is given autonomous power to manage the bank and make all policies, and rules.’

The statement goes on to say that as of 2009 the government in fact only owns 3.4 per cent of the bank. ‘The government has not put additional money in, while the poor people’s share in the bank has been going up steadily. [The poor people] are owners of the bank and share in its profits.’

In relation to the other matters raised by Dipu Moni at the meeting, Grameen Bank statement said that the ‘Grameen Bank has always operated within the law and denies all allegations of wrong doing.’

It notes that the 1983 ordinance ‘lists many objects of Grameen Bank, besides lending money to the poor.’

Specifically in relation to the allegation that Muhammad Yunus should by law have retired, the Grameen Bank statement to New Age says: ‘Sixty is the normal retirement age of the Grameen Bank’s employees… [T]he terms and conditions of the managing director are set by the board. There is no question of the managing director being past the retirement age. His tenure is decided by the board.

Source :

Peacebuilding in Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh: Processes and Realities

1.0 INTRODUCTION THE CHITTAGONG Hill Tracts (CHT) in the south-east of Bangladesh had been conflict torn for about three decades from 1970s to 1990s. Historically the CHT region is a home to eleven indigenous peoples, who are ethnically and culturally different from the Bengalis. Once the CHT region was independently administered by the traditional rajas (kings), but their authority had been curtailed through the arrival of the British colonial rulers (Larma, 2003; Roy, 2004). However, indigenous peoples of CHT always had the right to maintain own self-rule system. But in the aftermath of independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the Bengali ruling elites did not accept the indigenous people’s self-rules system and identities in the constitution (Chakma, 2005).

On this backdrop, indigenous leaders in 1972 came up with a demand of autonomy for CHT to safeguard their rights, but this demand was categorically rejected by the newly independent Bangladesh. Under these circumstances, an indigenous political party PCJSS was formed under the leadership of MN Larma, then only indigenous MP, to achieve autonomy for indigenous peoples in CHT. As the PCJSS persisted with autonomy, the state responded to it through the repressive measures, which ultimately served the purpose of ‘ethnic cleansing’ against the indigenous peoples in CHT (Chakma, 2010a). In response to the state’s repressive measures, the PCJSS took up arms against the government since 1976 onwards. Since then it continued a guerrilla war against the government of Bangladesh (GoB) until 2 December 1997, when an agreement, popularly known as the CHT Peace Accord (PA) was reached between the government of Bangladesh (GoB) and the PCJSS, by ending the long-standing armed conflict and bloodshed in CHT.

According to Jeong (2005:5) in the post-conflict situation “implementation of the peace agreements may not necessarily be linear or orderly, and may not even guarantee an expected outcome”. This is true with the case of the PA of CHT, which is now beset with many problems. Since singing the PA, more than one decade has passed away without much progress in implementation of the PA. The PCJSS, a party to the PA blames the GoB for lack of its sincerity to implement the peace deal (Larma, 2003). Along with non-implementation of the PA, serious human rights violations on indigenous people such as communal attacks, land grabbing, killing and rapes have been reported by the PCJSS in the post-accord period. The recent violent attack added to the list of human rights violation was the Baghaihat communal attack jointly committed by the Bengali settlers and the military forces upon the indigenous villages last February 2010 in Rangamati, one of the three hill districts in CHT. In that conflict, six people got killed, and 25 injured (ACHR, 2010). Following this incident, Chakma (2010 b:19) comments that the recent violent conflict in Baghaihat is not an “isolated event” rather the latest development of the long-running saga of violence, and such kind of violent attacks on indigenous peoples will occur in the days to come until the structural roots of violent conflict remain unresolved.
In the aforementioned context, it is relevant to ask questions: how the conflicts have been resolved to establish peace in CHT, Bangladesh? To what extent the PA has been able to address the roots of structural violence? In order to answer these questions, I shall examine a) the root-causes of the violent conflicts; b) how the peace process was initiated and which actors were involved in the said process; and c) what were priorities of the PA towards establishing peace.

In this paper, I shall argue that the PA has ended the long-standing armed conflict, but it fails to bring lasting peace in CHT. The failures substantially result from two factors: lack of political commitment of the government to implement the PA; and absence of appropriate mechanisms within the framework of the PA to address the roots of structural violence in CHT.

2.0 HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT IN CHTThere are multiple factors behind the conflict of CHT, Bangladesh. However, the roots cause of conflict in CHT could be attributed to the continual denial of indigenous self-rule system by the successive regimes. But the violent conflict came to the surface in the aftermath of independence in 1971, when the new Bengali ruling elites completely ignored the indigenous rights and distinct identities during the state building process of Bangladesh.
The political history of CHT has a bearing on the CHT conflict. Before the colonial rules, the traditional rajas (kings) ruled CHT region without external interference (Larma, 2003; Roy, 2004). With the annexation of CHT with the British colony the traditional rajas lost their freedom; however the colonial rulers maintained autonomous administrative status of CHT through legislative measures. For instance, in 1900 the British regime enacted a regulation called the ‘Chittagong Hill Tracts Regulation I of 1900’ exclusively for the administration of CHT. Under this regulation, CHT was given a status of ‘Excluded Area’, by which the colonial rulers restricted outsiders from buying land and settling down permanently in CHT in order to protect indigenous peoples from economic exploitation. At the same time, they did not interfere with the internal affairs of indigenous peoples till their departure from the Indian sub-continent in 1947 (Roy, 2000).

Following the partition in 1947, CHT was ceded to Pakistan, despite it was a non-Muslim area. From the very beginning the Pakistani regime considered the CHT people as the “hostile elements and pro-Indians” (Uttaran, 1985:36). Consequently, the Pakistan regime adopted various anti-indigenous policies. First, it amended the legal instruments pertaining to CHT. In 1962, the administrative status of CHT was changed from ‘Excluded Area’ to ‘Tribal Inhabited Area’. Then in 1964, the Pakistan government totally scrapped off the ‘‘Tribal Inhabited Area’ from the Pakistan constitution to open CHT for the Bengali settlers (Adnan, 2004). Second, the Pakistan government appropriated natural resources through construction of a large hydroelectric dam at Kaptai in 1961 (ibid). By that dam, 54% of the total amount of arable lands in CHT went under water and more than hundred thousands of indigenous peoples were displaced from their ancestral lands (Chakma, 2005). Under these circumstances, a group of educated indigenous activists already started mobilising indigenous people, especially students and youth against the Pakistani discriminatory policies.

Immediately after independence in 1971, the Bengali ruling elites declared Bangladesh a ‘mono-national and mono-cultural’ state based on Bengali nationalism (Chakma, 2010a:287). By the first constitution of 1972, all citizens of Bangladesh were made ‘Bangalis’, regardless of ethnic identities, religion and culture of indigenous peoples (article 6(2) of the constitution). Moreover, article 3 of the constitution has declared ‘Bengali’ as the state language subsuming the indigenous people’s languages and culture; while article 1 has declared Bangladesh a ‘unitary’ republic that implies that no separate legislature or autonomy is possible for CHT (Islam, 2003). Thus constitutionally no rights and distinct identities of indigenous peoples have been recognised in the new constitution of Bangladesh in the name of ‘national integration’ (Islam, 1981; Zaman, 1982; Ahsan and Chakma, 1989).

Being worried about the future of indigenous peoples, MN Larma, MP, in the house of parliament demanded autonomy for CHT with constitutional guarantee of the indigenous rights and identities. But his demand was categorically rejected by the house.

Consequently PCJSS was formed in 1972 under the leadership of M.N Larma with an objective to achieve autonomy for CHT. When all democratic avenues failed to draw the attention of the State, PCJSS launched an armed struggle against the GoB since 1976 onwards (Jimi, 1985 and Uttaran, 1985).
On the other hand, to suppress the autonomy movement, the GoB adopted two radical measures: militarisation; and minorisation of indigenous people through transferring the Bengali settlers from the plains into CHT. The government increased the number of military forces across the whole CHT. Although no exact figure was available, it was estimated that two-third of the Bangladesh army was deployed in CHT (Uddin, 2008:17). While the CHT Commission (1991:35) reported, one military force for every ten indigenous persons had been deployed during the period from 1982 to 1990.

The other objective of the government was to minoritise indigenous peoples through changing the demographic composition. To this effect, the government brought 400,000 Bengali settlers into CHT during 1978 to 1984 (CHTC, 1991). The government promised those Bengali settlers to provide with land grants, cash and rations, but the suitable amount of land was already scarce in the hilly CHT. Hence, fully backed by the Bangladesh army and civil administration, the Bengali settlers started grabbing lands from indigenous villagers. Simultaneously, the Bengali settlers and the military forces jointly carried out systematic massacres and communal attacks on indigenous people across the whole CHT. PCJSS (2005) and Chakma (2010b) report more one dozen of massacres that took place from 1971 to 1993 in CHT. No exact figure was available, however, it was estimated that 30,000 people lost lives, and 80000 indigenous people crossed the Indian border to take refuge in Tripura state of India (Feeny, 2001).

Alongside the armed fighting between the military forces and PCJSS’ guerrillas, the systematic massacres, killings and rapes of indigenous villagers and women by the Bengali settlers continued unabated until the PA in 1997. Signing the PA puts an end to the armed conflict, but still now the violent conflicts erupt off and on between the indigenous villagers and the Bengali settlers in the post-PA period.
The peace processes in CHT, Bangladesh could be analysed in two aspects. First, the dialogues initiated by the military-backed autocratic regimes from 1976 to 1990, and second, the initiatives of peace process under the democratically elected governments from 1991 to 1997.

From 1976 to 1990, Bangladesh was ruled by the military backed governments – Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jatiya Party (JP). The BNP government led by President Ziaur Rahman (1976 to 1981) was reluctant to negotiate with the indigenous guerrillas; rather it wanted to a military solution. Following a military coup in 1981 president Ziaur Rahman got killed and then Lt. General Hussain Md. Ershad took over the power of the country. The Ershad government (1981 to 1990) first felt the need to solve the CHT problem through a political means. To this effect, a 3-member CHT Liaison Committee headed by Upendra Lal Chakma, MP, was formed in 1984 (Larma, 2003). The Ershad government held 6 rounds of talks with the PCJSS, but no tangible outcome achieved.

Following a mass upsurge across the country in 1990, the Ershad government toppled down. Then through a national election in 1991, the BNP led by Khaleda Zia was elected to form a government. The transition from military rules to democracy brought in a new hope to the PCJSS, which, as a good gesture to the BNP government, declared a unilateral ceasefire on 10 August 1992 (Larma, 2003). In response to it, the BNP government formed a Parliamentary Committee on CHT issue with Col. (Rtd.) Oli Ahmed, Communication Minister in the chair. The Parliamentary Committee held 13 rounds of talks with the PCJSS from 1992 to 1995, but no substantial progress could be achieved due to lack of strong political commitment of the BNP government (CHTC, 1997; Larma, 2003).

In 1996, following a national election the Awami League (AL), which led the Bangladesh liberation war, came to the power after 21 years since 1975. To attract the newly formed AL government’s attention, the PCJSS extended the ceasefire unilaterally. The AL government also responded to it positively by forming an 11-member National Committee on Chittagong Hill Tracts (NCCHT) on 1 October 1996 with Chief Whip, Abul Hasnat Abdullah (CHTC, 1997). To assist the NCCHT, the government also formed a 10-member Advisory Committee to co-opt the former army officials and civil society members. Following the six rounds of talks, both parties the NCCHT and the PCJSS agreed to a peace agreement, which was signed on 2 December 1997 in Dhaka.

Here, it is notable that no third party was involved in the peace negotiation process. However, some authors such as Mohsin (2003) and Islam (2003) stated that a few international factors had been instrumental to bring the PCJSS to the negotiation. First, the AL historically had good relations with India; second, it was often alleged by the GoB that the PCJSS guerrillas used the Indian territory as their hinterland, for which India now was no longer interested to support the PCJSS; and third, international pressure, especially from human rights bodies and donor agencies on the GoB to settle the CHT problem peacefully. Fourth, the PCJSS’ readiness to seek political solution following revival of democracy during 1990s in Bangladesh (Husain, 1997). Although no international mediator was involved in the peace process, the PA gained international acclamation, for which Sheikh Hasina, Prime Minister of Bangladesh, received the UNESCO Peace Prize in 1999 (Jamil, and Panday, 2008).
In order to get a pragmatic solution, Paris (2005:768) suggests that peace building should focus on the “prevention of large-scale violence” in the post-conflict settings. But there are different views on the peace building priorities. According to David (1999: 27) the three elements are central to peace building: security transition; democratic transition and socio-economic transition. By drawing on David, this section examines the peace building priorities of the PA in the post-conflict settings in CHT.

One of the objectives of security transition is to prevent resumption of violence. To achieve this objective a few measures have been included in the PA.

4.1.1 Disarmament and reintegration of the combatants
It is notable here that the conflict in CHT was between the PCJSS’ guerrillas and the regular government military forces. Hence, one of the provisions included in the PA was to disarm the combatants. As per the provisions (sections 12 & 13 of Part D of the PA) the PCJSS was required to submit the list of arms and ammunition including the number of combatants to the government within the 45 days since after signing the PA. Then the government and the PCJSS jointly decided the phases of depositing arms and bringing the combatants’ family members to normal life. All combatants were granted amnesty.

In order reintegrate the ex-combatants and their families to society, the PA included a package of facilities that include: i) a lump sum cash payment for re-establishment; ii) remission of loan, if any; iii) reinstatement of combatants to their previous positions, if any; iv) recruitment to various government services according to their qualifications; v) bank loans for self-employment; and vi) educational facilities for children.

As per the provisions of the PA, PCJSS deposited arms and ammunition to the government. Of some 1900 ex-combatants, 682 were recruited in the police force, and 64 were reinstated to their previous services. But no measure has been taken to generate self-employment opportunities for the ex-combatants or their family members (PCJSS, 2003).

4.1.2 Repatriation of the refugees
The PA included a provision for repatriation of indigenous refugees who crossed the Indian border. The government offered a package of facilities for the returnee refugees. Of these, the major ones included were a lump sum cash payment; food ration; materials for construction of houses; returning lands to the families, who lost their lands to outsiders; remission of agricultural loans, and cash payment for purchase of plough cattle and so on. According to the PCJSS report (2003) some 70,000 refugees took shelter in India. Of them, 64000 people repatriated home following the PA.

4.1.3 Rehabilitation of internally displaced persons
During the conflict period, thousands of people internally was displaced within CHT. To rehabilitate those internally displaced persons (IDPs), the PA (section 1 of Part D) provides for a Task Force. Immediately after the PA, the Task Force was formed with an indigenous MP from the ruling party, in the chair. The first task of the Task Force was to determine the criteria of and identify the IDPs. Unfortunately that Task Force could not advance its activities as then chair of the Task Force unilaterally included the Bengali settlers in the list of IDPs (PCJSS, 2003). Claiming this decision as “anti-peace Accord”, the PCJSS opposed the inclusion of the Bengali settlers in the IDPs’ list. Until now, the Task Force could not make any progress for rehabilitation of IDPs.

4.1.4 Demilitarisation and mixed police force
Militarisation has been a serious threat to human rights protection in CHT. Across the whole CHT, there are more than 500 military camps. Therefore, to assist demilitarisation and improve law and order situation in CHT, the PA stipulates: i) all temporary camps of security forces would be withdrawn except six major cantonments in CHT (section 17 (a) of Part D of the PA); and ii) local police force with local indigenous persons.

So far, no actual figure is available about the status of withdrawal of military camps. Instead the government imposed a new military rules, called Operation Uttoran (upliftment), by which the military forces are allowed to control civil administration, law and order including implementation of certain development programs such as “Shantakaran” (pacification) and “Ashrayan” (shelter) projects for the Bengali settlers in the post-accord period (PCJSS, 2005).


4.2.1 Political participation
To ensure political representation of indigenous peoples in state affairs, three special governance structures have been set up. These are: i) a ministry exclusively for CHT; ii) a regional council over three hill districts of CHT; and iii) hill district council (HDC) in each district of CHT.

The Ministry of CHT Affairs (MoCHTA) is headed by an indigenous person. Its main role is to supervise and coordinate overall development matters and administrative activities of CHT region. At the national level, the MoCHTA is mandated to uphold the interest of the CHT people by coordinating with other line ministries, and providing advisory support to the central government with regards to CHT affairs.

Over three hill district, the CHT Regional Council (CHTRC) also has been established with 22 members under the leadership of Jyotirindra Bodhipriya (Santu) Larma, head of the former guerrilla force. Two-third seats have been reserved for indigenous persons including the position of chair. The CHTRC has a mandate to coordinate and supervise all activities of three HDCs, general civil administration and law and order, and all other development activities/programs undertaken by the local authorities in CHT. It also may advise the central government before making any laws concerning CHT at the national level (Article 53 of CHTRC Act 1998).

For each district of CHT, a Hill District Council (HDC) has been established under the leadership of indigenous person. Proportional representation from all communities has been ensured in the HDCs. As per the PA, 33 subjects of public services of the central government would be delegated to the HDCs to ensure economic, social and cultural development. Of which, the major ones are education, (primary and secondary); health; agriculture and forestry; livestock; fisheries; cooperatives; commerce and industries; social welfare; culture; land and land management; indigenous custom, tradition and social justice system and so forth.

4.2.2 Election of the Hill Councils
As per the PA, the HDCs will be constituted with elected representatives. Then the CHTRC will be formed through the votes of the HDCs members. Due to lack of subsidiary legislation on the election procedures, the elections of the HDCs could not be held yet. So, the interim Councils are running functions now.

This aspect relates to the reconstruction of economic and social services in the post conflict settings. It depends on the following issues, which the PA has tried to address.

4.3.1 Delegation of authority to the Hill Councils
As discussed in section 4.2.1, the CHTRC and the HDCs are expected to be powerful institutions to carry out development programs and to provide basic services to the people in CHT. But due to lack of subsidiary legislation and lack of political support, the CHTRC is yet to be able to fully exercise its power to coordinate and supervise overall development activities, general administration and law and order in CHT (Larma, 2003).

Similarly, the HDCs have not been empowered to function properly for the economic, social and cultural development of the people in CHT. In 13 years of the signing the PA, the central government delegated only 12 out of 33 transferable subjects to the HDCs (PCJSS, 2010).

As such, the effectiveness of these Hill Councils to contribute to the reconstruction of the conflict affected society substantially has remained unutilised, as the central government did not delegate authorities to them.

4.3.2 Resolution of Land Disputes
Due to government-sponsored population transmigration program, the conflict over the land ownership between the Bengali settlers and indigenous people is now at the centre of conflict in CHT. To resolve all disputes related to lands in CHT, the PA stipulates a Commission on land.

Simultaneously, the HDCs have the authority to control all types of lands, except the lands of the public institutions in CHT. Without prior approval of the HDCs, no lands could be transferred to others (article 64 of HDC Act 1998).

In reality, in 13 years of the PA, the Land Commission could not function due to inconsistencies between commission’s law and the PA. To remove those inconsistencies, the Hill Councils, especially the CHTRC put recommendations to the government, but so far no government has taken any effective measures to this effect (PCJSS, 2005).

The PA could be critiqued from different perspectives. However, the following issues, that are central to the roots of structural violence in CHT, have not been addressed in the PA.

i) Withdrawal of Bengali settlers: Under the government sponsorship approximately 400000 Bengali settlers had been brought into CHT (see section 2.0). To grab lands, these Bengali settlers backed by the army carried out system massacres and killings on indigenous people. But the PA directly did not address the withdrawal of the Bengali settlers. Even in the post-Accord period, infiltration of the Bengali settlers into CHT continues unabated.

ii) Justice and reconciliation: During the conflict between the Bengali settlers and indigenous villagers, and between the government forces and guerrillas, many people lost lives and beloved ones. Many indigenous women have been victimised of rapes by the Bengali settlers and military forces. The PA has remained silent about the massacres, and justice and reconciliation of the affected people.

iii) Non-recognition of identities: One of the roots of the conflict was non-recognition of distinct identities of indigenous peoples in the constitution. The PA did not address the identity question. Instead, it used the term ‘tribal’, which is derogatory. By denying indigenous identities, the government tends to renege upon the indigenous rights to autonomy. Moreover, the PA has not been safeguarded constitutionally, for which any government may repeal it with a simple majority in the parliament.

iv) No roadmap for implementation: There is no clear roadmap for implementation of the provisions of the PA. This loophole leaves a room for the government to dillydally implementation of its obligations.

The conflict emerged from non-recognition of ethnic identities of indigenous peoples during the state building process of nation state. In that sense, the conflict in CHT, Bangladesh is between the nation state and indigenous peoples, where the latter want recognition of their rights and identities in the state system; while the former denies accepting it.

As indigenous peoples were persisting with the demand for autonomy, the state took resort to the two radical measures – militarisation and minoritisation of indigenous people. As part of the minoritisation policy, the state sponsored importing Bengali settlers from the plains into the indigenous inhabited CHT region. Consequently there had been competition over lands and resources in CHT, where the state (the army) took side with the Bengali settlers against the indigenous people. Thus the state camouflaged its role in the conflict by unleashing the Bengali settlers from behind against the non-Bengalis (indigenous people).

The CHT peace process has had several distinct features such as: i) no external mediation was involved; ii) military intervention i.e. military-backed governments could not achieve success; iii) effective dialogue was possible following a transition from autocratic rules to democracy in the country; and iv) political commitment of both parties (the GoB and the PCJSS) to solve the conflict. To increase confidence of the guerrillas, the GoB established a parliamentary body, which negotiated with the PCJSS for a peaceful and political solution and that resulted in a peace accord.

The PA has set out a wide range of priorities, which could be divided into several categories such as i) political representation; ii) disarmament and rehabilitation; iii) resolution of land disputes; and iv) demilitarisation. Disarmament and reintegration of the ex-combatants and repartition of refugees have taken place substantially. But of the ‘other priorities’, some have remained partially addressed and some completely unaddressed since signing the PA. Of these priorities, resolution of land disputes and rehabilitation of IDPs, and election of the hill councils have remained untouched upon.

On top of all these issues, the PA is silent about the roots of violent conflicts such as withdrawal of the Bengali settlers, and constitutional recognition of indigenous identities, including the issues of justice and reconciliation. To protect the Bengali settlers, the army still has maintained not only its high physical presence, but also interference in civil matters in CHT. As long as the withdrawal of the settlers and military rules will go unattended, the violent conflicts tend to continue in CHT intermittently (Chakma, 2010b).

Finally, it can be said that the PA itself cannot bring lasting peace unless the parties to the PA do have mutual respect, trust and commitment to each other. The same thing happened in the case of the CHT peace process. Non-implementation of the peace building priorities in CHT does not relate to the limitation of the PA itself; rather it ensues from the absence of the political commitment of the government.

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Hamood-ur-Rehaman Commission recommended punishment of scores of Pakistan military officers responsible for Fall of Dhaka

Army’s role in splintering Pakistan was largely ignored by successive governments. Bhutto personally ordered that each and every copy of the Hamood ur Rehman Report be burnt. A copy of the final report was however saved, which was leaked and published in India Today in August 2000. Gen. Musharraf said calls for generals to be tried were not fair

The Report: AFTER THE fall of Dacca, eight days later, on Dec 24, 1971, the then President of Pakistan Mr.Zulfikar Ali Bhutto set up the War Inquiry Commission, commonly known as the Hamood-ur-Rehaman Commission. It examined 213 witnesses, mostly Pakistani army officers, hundreds of classified documents and army signals between East and West Pakistan. The final report was submitted in November 1974, detailing how political, administrative, military, and moral failings were responsible for the surrender in East Pakistan.

The Findings: The report said: “The process of moral degeneration among the senior ranks of the armed forces was set in motion by their involvement in martial law duties in 1958 that these tendencies reappeared and were, in fact intensified when martial law was imposed once again in March 1969 by General Yahya Khan.”

“Due to corruption arising out of the performance of martial law duties, lust for wine and woman, and greed for lands and houses, a large number of senior army officers, particularly those occupying the highest positions, had not only lost the will to fight but also the professional competence necessary for taking the vital and critical decisions demanded of them for the successful prosecution of the war, “the commission observed.

According to the commission, these perversions led to the army brass willfully subverting public life in Pakistan. “In furtherance of their common purpose they did actually try to influence political parties by threats, inducements and even bribes to support their designs, both for bringing some of the political parties and the elected members of National Assembly to refuse to attend the session of the National Assembly scheduled to be held at Dacca on March 3, 1971.

"A fully civil government could not be formed in East Pakistan as had been announced by the ex-President. Dr. Malik an old man and politician had a weak personality. He could not annoy, the Martial Law Administrator (Lt. Gen. A.A.K. Niazi) also because of the unsettled conditions obtaining in the Wing. Gen Niazi, on the other hand, cherished and liked power, but did not have the breadth of vision or ability to understand political implications. He did not display much respect for the civilian Governor; the Army virtually continued to control civil administration".

"The installation of a civilian governor in September 1971 was merely to hoodwink public opinion at home and abroad. Poor Dr. Malik and his ministers were figureheads only.

Real decisions in all important matters still lay with the army. In the first picture of the new Cabinet. Maj. Gen Farman Ali was prominently visible sitting on the right side of the Governor, although he was not a member of the Cabinet."

The rot began at the very top from the East Pakistan army’s commander, Lt-General A.A.K.Niazi, who the commission said acquired a “notorious reputation for sexual immorality and indulgence in the smuggling of paan from East to West Pakistan”. The inevitable consequence was that “he failed to inspire respect and confidence in the minds of his subordinates with absolute absence of leadership qualities and determination; he also encouraged laxity in discipline and moral standards among the officers and men under his command”.

The Recommendations:
The Commission recommended Public Trial of the following Officers:
(1) General Yahya Khan, Former Commander-in-chief
(2) General Abdul Hamid Khan, ex Chief of Staff to the President
(3) Lt. Gen. S.G.M.M. Pirzada, ex PSO to the President
(4) Lt. Gen. Gul Hasan ex Chief of General Staff
(5) Maj. Gen. Ghulam Umar ex Second-in -Command of NSC
(6) Maj Gen A O Mitha ex Deputy Corps Commander
(7) Lt. Gen. Irshad Ahmad Khan, ex Commander 1 Corps
(8) Maj Gen Abid Zahid, ex GOC 15 Div
(9) Maj. Gen B.M. Mustafa, ex GOC 18 Div

The Commission recommended Court Martial of the following officers:
(1) Lt Gen A.A.K. Niazi, ex Commander, Eastern Command
(2) Maj Gen Mohammad Jamshed, ex-GOC 36 (ad hoc) Division,
(3) Maj Gen M. Rahim Khan, ex-GOC 39 (ad hoc) Division.
(4) Brig. G.M. Baqir Siddiqui, ex COS, Eastern Command, Dacca
(5) Brig Mohammad Hayat, ex Comd. 107 bde. (9 Div)
(6) Brig. Mohammad Aslam Niazi, ex Comd 53 Bde (39 Ad hoc Div.)

The Commission recommended Departmental Action against the following officers:
(1) Brig. S.A. Ansari, ex-Comd, 23 Bde,
(2) Brig. Manzoor Ahmad, ex-Comd 57 Bde 9 Div
(3) Brig. Abdul Qadir Khan, ex-Comd, 93 Bde. 36 Div

The Commission observed that the suitability of the following officers for continued retention in military service would not be justified:
(1) Maj Gen M.H. Ansari, GOC 9 Div.,
(2) MajGen Qazi Abdul Majid, GOC 14 Div.,
(3) Maj Gen Nazar Hussain Shah, GOC 16 Div
(4) Maj Gen Rao Farman Ali, ex Adviser to the Governor of East Pakistan.
(5) Plus 19 brigadiers.

The Commission further recommended that Armed Services should devise ways and means to ensure: -
(a) That moral values are not allowed to be compromised by infamous behavior particularly at higher levels;
(b) That moral rectitude is given due weight along with professional qualities in the matter of promotion to higher ranks;
(c) That syllabi of academic studies at the military academics and other Service Institutions should include courses designed to inculcate in the young minds respect for religious democratic and political institutions;
(d) That use of alcoholic drinks should be banned in military messes and functions;
(e) That serious notice should be taken of notorious sexual behavior and other corrupt practices

The Action: Nothing ever happened. The army’s role in splintering Pakistan after its greatest military debacle was largely ignored by successive Pakistani governments and many of those indicted by the commission were instead rewarded with military and political sinecures. Bhutto, reportedly, as Prime Minister personally ordered that each and every copy of the report be burnt. A copy of the final report was however saved, which was leaked and published in Indian magazine India Today in August 2000. The following day Pakistani Newspaper Dawn also published the supplementary report. General Pervez Musharraf said in October 2000 that the incidents in 1971 were a political as well as a military debacle, and that calls for generals to be tried were not fair.

The Aftermath: Had action been initiated against the accused, as recommended by the Commission, the nation could have averted the coup d’etat of Zia-ul-Haq, whose 11 year rule of infamy completely devastated the political as well as the socio-economic fabric of the state and society. Besides many irreversibles, it led to radicalization of the society, which is now clearly visible. The policies of that era invited foreign intervention which is so deep rooted now. And the role of intelligence agencies from media management to missing persons is so pervasive. We could have also averted the illegitimate takeover of Pervez Musharraf and whatever followed thereafter.

Fast Forward to 2010
• The military plays the most important overt and covert role in ruling this country.
• The military is in full control of our economic, defense and foreign policy.
• Actual annual defense budget amounting to 1000 billion (in 2001 it was 400 billion, with an annual increase of 10% it comes to 1000 billion) is allocated on direction from the military and there is no parliamentary oversight.

• According to human rights groups, 4500 persons are missing in Pakistan and nobody has any access to them.
• Wikileaks reports that in March 2009 the Chief of the Army Staff considered removing the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and replacing him with the leader of ANP.
• The Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces considered his possible assassination by the military and advised his son to name his sister as President, in case he is eliminated.

Source :

Bangobandhu Interntional Airport

Yes indeed it is high time to construct another international airport to recognize the father of the nation at the cost of human suffering, human hunger in one of the poorest country of the world.

Bangladesh is surviving just begging money from the outside world and subsidies from the citizens who are working abroad.There is no question that Bangobandhu is the father of the nation. But definitely father neither kill the children nor keep them hungry at the cost of his comfort and pleasure. Nation may or not have forgotten the events of 1973 created by Bangubandhu, his entourage, his relatives and his offsprings.Country was hungry; people did not have any food.

There was real famine in the country. To protest that Moulana Bhasani went on hunger strike along with his few followers. They were lying on the floor with only one pillow and one bed sheet in top floor of a multi storied building in MotijheelCommercial Area with minimum living facilities. I had the opportunity to visit Moulana Bhasani while I was visiting Bangladesh as his doctor along with Professor AQM B.Chowdhury and Dr. Azizur Rahman FRCS, ex-health minister of autocratic Ershed regiem.Bangobandhu walked into the room asked Moulana Bhasani “SIR EAT SOMEHING”.Moulana Bhasani shouted at him and told him “I WILL EAT WHEN ALL PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH WILL EAT .YOU GET OUT OF THIS ROOM”. Sk Majubar Rahman left the room. In the midst of this calamity Bangabandu declared the creation of BAKSAL. Majority of us know the story of creation of Baksal in middle of 1973.He celebrated the creation of BAKSAL with pomp and grandeur presiding the function for whole day in a well decorated high rising building in Motijheel Commercial Are just few blocks from the building where Bhasani was observing hunger strike in protest of famine in the country.

On the other side of the curtain his son Sk. Kamal and his relatives and entourage took over the country. Sk Kamal used to travel in the city of Dhaka with an open jeep and doing all kinds of misdeed like robbing bank, picking up the young girls in his jeep by force. He was shot by police while attempted to rob bank as police did not know that the robber is the offspring of Bangobandhu. He was treated secretly in the IPGMR under Professor Nurul Islam a pro Awami League/Bksal follower. This is eye witness news. These are the causes of premature demise of the father of the nation along with his family. This incident was a political revolution and political assassination. However no one accepts the premature demise of father of the nation and his family as Allah (ST) is the one who decides who will survive and who will die. But unfortunately this has happen.

Now if any one analyses current political situation under these two Begums then one will realize that currently country is ruled by Baksal with different face mask. Begum Khaleda Zia did same thing as Bangobandu did and that is why both the offspring of Begum Zia is under deep trouble. However Sk. Hasina’s children are out the country and living in North America as citizen of the country of their residence. But she is ruling the country in a hard fist as her father tried to do by attempting to create Baksal. But she has created Baksal in a different fashion. Whenever she becomes Prime Minister, her first job is to change the name of school, colleges, universities, meeting halls, bridges to his father’s name. Her second job is to find out the killer of her family forgetting her responsibilities to the nation as head of the state. Her third job to to go to overseas countries to beg as beggar. Of course nothing wrong in begging as whole world knows that Bangladesh is a nation of beggar. Unfortunately she neither mentions the four very close associates of her father who were assassinated while in jail nor dedicates any any public property in their name. It is a real dichotomy as they were actively involved for creation of Bangladesh just like her father.

Now she is not happy with designating the name of colleges, universities etc.,etc in the name of his father. So she wants to create another international airport outside Dhaka as Bangobandhu International airport.

Currently there are three international airports in Bangladesh and Bangladesh is 2 the size of the state of Illinois. State of Illinois has only one International airport. Dhaka international airport can handle 8000000 passengers per year. An airport is busy when every hour 60 or more aircraft take off or lands in the run way.

Currently Dhaka International Airport handles about 2000000 passengers. But statistics shows that Shah Jalal International airport handles only 10 aircraft per hour. So why the nation needs another airport?

Probably just to glorify the departed father of the nation. How much it will cost to build such airport? Who will pay for such construction? This will cost about Tk.50 crores.But in reality it will cost Tk.100 crores.Who will pay the bill? Money will come from other countries like China and Middle Eastern Countries. Sk Hasina will to go to these countries as a beggar. These countries will feel sorry and they will donate. Prime Minister will need 25000 Acres of land. That is almost one third or more area of the area of district of Munshingong or Manikgong.If Prime Minister SK. Hasina Mia acquires this much of land then what will happen to residence of these localities? Probably they will come to Dhaka and kind hearted prime minister will allow them to stay in her luxury house in Gulshan or in the official residence of Prime Minister and President Zillur Rahman. Big joke?? There will be tremendous influx of these displaced people in Dhaka City where already there no place to walk even. Lastly does she or her advisers/cabinet ministers know what will be the consequences of such acquisition of land? Currently unofficial population count of Bangladesh is 175 million.

By year 2025 population of Bangladesh will be 200 million in a country the size of the sate of Illinois. Did she ever think what will happen in 2025? She may or may not decide the destiny of the nation in 2025.Of course if she survives then she will decide the fate of the nation as Bengali Nation knows nothing but two Begums.

In fact nation may go to their grave yards to consult after their demise from this Holy Land the Bangladesh. She will see that in year 2025 people will build their hurt in the Bangobandhu International Airport as due to enormous population growth aircraft will not be able to land in the Bangobandhu International Airport. Lastly but not the least what will happen to Shah Jalal International Airport? Will this airport and the employee will be orphan? Probably will be orphan. But will survive. My question to the nation but not to Prime Minister Sk. Hasina Mia that instead of constructing another airport can that TK 50-Tk 100 crore can be spend for the well being of the poor people. Yes it can be and probably departed soul of Bangobandhu will be pleased to se that.

Also I understand that Bangobandu City will be built near the new airport. Who will reside there? The relatives of cabinet ministers and their enterouge will live their where poor gramin bhai used to live and used to make their daily living. They will be destitute just like “DI BIGHA JAMI OF TAGORE. What abeautiful democratic country????? .It is Baksal country of Bangobandu with different face mask.

It seems to me that Honorable Prime Minister Sk. Hasina Mia wants to change the name of every public property to her father’s name “BANGOBANDHU”.Such attempt to change of the name of every public property as BANGOBANDHU will be very expensive. I think most inexpensive way to show respect to the father of the nation is to change the name f the country as” MUJIB DESH”.Sorry, then what will happen to the second Begum. So best solution is let North Bengal be “ZIA DESH’ and East Bengal be” MUJIB DESH “and this will emancipate the nation. Then nation need not to memorize the names of airports,buildings,universities,colleges and various other institutions as there will not be any change of the name of the institutions, building and airports as those names of the public property will be permanent. Currently the names of public properties are changed with the arrival of new government. As for example the name of Zia International Airport which was existing for almost 29 years is changed to Shah Jalal International Airport as soon Sk. Hasina Mia took over the power. In fact I had trouble to buy ticket for my journey to Dhaka through internet as internet told no such airport by name Shah Jalal airport exists in Bangladesh.

Are the two Begums honest? Probably not. One begum while under so called custody of the care taker government, her doctors claimed that due to her hearing problem she may succumb to death if she does not get treatment in USA.I have never heard that a person dies due to loss of hearing. Not only she is dishonest her physicians are also dishonest. But as soon as she arrived in USA, she is not sick anymore and did extensive travel both in USA and outside USA.Where did she get the fund? Nation gave her. Second Begum stayed home though she was sick as she does not have visa of USA and other begum has probably Immigrant Visa of USA.However nation likes both of them and nation kisses their feet twice a day. This is real good news. But it is real fact that currently country is ruled by Baksal as per desire of Bangobandhu but in a different face mask.

The story behind Arabinda’s arrest in Bangladesh

IT WAS a scene that seemed to have taken right out of a silver screen thriller, when the man who headed India’s Most Wanted list had to be on the run after being abandoned and betrayed by the country that had given him refuge.

Knowing that he was being cornered by the Bangladesh security forces, the man then tried to escape on the night of December 1, 2009, only to be caught by the country’s intelligence agents.
The protagonist here is none other than Arabinda Rajkhowa, the chairman of the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), who narrated the story of his escape and eventual capture to his family members after being released from jail.

According to family sources, Rajkhowa was travelling with his daughter and a boy named Raja from Chittagong to Cox Bazar, when around 10 pm, their bus was intercepted by security personnel in a dense forest area. One of the officers took him out of the bus and asked him to put his hands up in open air near a big tree. It was pitch darkness.

When the security officer asked his name, Rajkhowa uttered the name he had assumed in Bangladesh. But the officer insisted he reveal his real name. When Rajkhowa said it was indeed the real name, the security officer then pulled Rajkhowa’s photograph out of his own pocket and said, “Is this not you, Arabinda Rajkhowa, the ULFA chairman?”

Rajkhowa realised he had been caught and there would be no way out. When the security personnel took him to another vehicle, Rajkhowa told them that his daughter and son (though Raja is not his son) were also in the bus, the personnel then took them along as well.

They were then taken to a camp where he noticed a shooting range. It was twilight, around 4 am. He thought he would be shot dead.

After some time, a black hood was put on his head and he was taken to a cell. When he was put in chains against a wall, he requested the security personnel not to kill him and not to hand him over to India. The ULFA chairman told his captors that people of Assam had played an important role in the formation of Bangladesh. Rajkhowa then tried to remind them of Mukti Bahini, the group instrumental in the formation of Bangladesh, the erstwhile East Pakistan, and the role Assamese people had played in the armed uprising.

All these pleadings fell on deaf ears, though. The securitymen detained them for two days before handing them over to the Assam Police at Dawki on December 4, 2009, along with ULFA deputy commander-in-chief Raju Barua, Rajkhowa’s wife, daughter, son and the boy called Raja.

Rajkhowa, however, does not believe that anybody from his outfit betrayed him and played a role in his capture. He is aware that the Bangladeshi intelligence is now very advanced. Not merely the intelligence, the Bangladesh Government is now upgrading all other departments to extract a higher level of excellence. They also send top officers of every department to the US for higher training.

The ULFA chairman knew that the outfit started losing ground in Bangladesh as soon as Sheikh Hasina came to power. The Sheikh Hasina government thought that the ULFA had involvement in some violence taking place in Dhaka.

Rajkhowa now believes that everything can be settled with cooperation of the people of Assam and said the outfit will never go against the peoples’ opinion in order to solve Assam’s biggest problem.

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If you are an active member/supporter/collaborator of BNP/AL/Jamaat, or any other political party of Bangladesh, then this mail is not for you. You may well delete this. This mail is for people with open and unbiased mind. And for the people who have at least a drop of love for Bangladesh stored deep inside their heart.

The attached document "Peelkhana Conspiracy" contains nearly 14,000 words. So, you should think before you decide to read or study it. It will take a lot of time. The article is a teamwork, involving about 23 persons. The team includes general people, businessmen, custom officials, members of armed forces, members of law enforcement agencies, and a few courageous investigative journalists.

This email DOES NOT request you to believe whatever appear in the attached document. You are to use your own intellect and sense of judgment to reach to a conclusion. Please believe what your conscience says, and not what we have tried to say. If accidentally your thoughts and ours favorably coincide, please do whatever your conscience dictates.

Thank You


Entire Bangladesh is convinced that “Peelkhana massacre was the outcome of a long and deep-rooted conspiracy.” But there is a mystery shrouding the background of Peelkhana carnage. Somehow or the other, people of Bangladesh do not still know the entire truth. This article endeavors to un-shroud the hidden truth. Purpose is not to vindicate anyone, the pure purpose is to erase the lies and bring the truth to the open. You are not required to believe whatever follows. It is totally up to your judgment. If you believe, you may pass it on to persons who may try to spread the message so that justice, the rarest phenomenon on planet earth, may see light in Bangladesh—today, tomorrow or year after. If you don’t believe this article, utter a curse and just put this article into trash and forget it.


· On 24th February between 10pm and 11pm Mr Ataur, the owner of a filling station at Jhikatola, gave a call to DG BDR Shakil over mobile and said, “Sir, apnakey kalkey Peelkhanay mere felbe. Apni kalker onushthaney jaben na.” The recorded conversation was spotted by RAB Headquarter and Mr Ataur was immediately taken into custody. This information was disclosed to the TFI cell members by Colonel Rezanur himself. Later Mr Ataur was released and nowhere his statement has been included in the inquiries.

· On 25th February at about 8:45 am, PM was informed by NSI that after a few minutes the Peelkhana mutiny would begin. The same information also reached CAS Moeen simultaneously. PM just digested the information and didn’t react. CAS Moeen also kept mum.

· DG BDR Shakil died at around 10:30 am and Indian channel (24 hours) first reported his death along with his wife at 11:00 am in the scrolls. NDTV showed the news in its scroll at 12pm and the death of DG and his wife was telecast at 12:15 pm in NDTV news bulletin. And the whole Bangladesh knew nothing about the death of the DG until 26th evening! Drama it was!!

· Colonel Aftab was killed on 25th night after the departure of Sahara Khatun from Peelkhana as he came out from hiding to look for his wife and daughter whom he knew to be in the officers’ mess. But they were by then taken to the quarter guard. Colonel Reza was killed after 3 am on 26th February. When held captive with other officers, he managed to keep with him the mobile of Colonel Gulzar for some time. Colonel Elahi was also killed after the departure of Sahara from Peelkhana on 25th night. He came out from his hiding inside manhole after he thought that some negotiation had been finalized. Major Mosaddek died from over-bleeding at about 5:30 pm on 25th February. His frantic calls for help were responded with hope initially, which was later proved to be bogus. A lot of other officers died much later after the meeting of the killers with PM. Still the entire nation is convinced that most officers were killed by 11 am on 25th February. This story has been carefully implanted into the nation by Lieutenant Colonel Shams, also a collaborator of the massacre.

· IG Police desperately wanted to get inside Peelkhana to rescue his daughter, and for that he requested Sahara Khatun time and again. But she refused. When IGP said that he would go alone, then Sahara was forced to enter to stage the drama of family rescue and arms surrender. She only visited the building “Otoshi”. She rescued wife of Lieutenant Colonel Quamruzzaman (another collaborator), the daughter of IGP and Mrs Akbar. She never went above 1st floor of Otoshi. Quamruzzaman, the communication officer of BDR Headquarters, survived the carnage as did all officers under him, his personal car was also not burnt! Then he staged a beautiful drama at Senakunj in front of PM, just to bluff the nation about his collaboration.

· There might be a question—why so many courageous and talented army officers inside darbar hall could not plan some counter action? There were a few Army Commando officers amongst them including the veteran Colonel Emdad, sector commander Rajshahi. Why didn’t they organize into small groups, confuse the BDR killers, snatch a few SMGs and ammunition, and try to fight back in small scale and then die? The answer is simple. They saw that immediately after the initial incident with a single BDR soldier, the DG talked to PM, CAS, DG DGFI; Colonel Gulzar talked to RAB, CGS, DMO and others. Colonel Gulzar asked CO RAB 2 Liutenant Colonel Zaman to send only FIVE soldiers! All were hopeful that some help would arrive. More so, the confident DG ordered Colonel Mujib (Dhaka sector commander), Lieutenant Colonel Enayet and other Peelkhana officers to go to their units and motivate the troops. Almost all officers inside darbar hall had long experience under the military leadership. They had tremendous faith in the leaders and the guardians of the country. They thought that definitely some help was on the way since PM and CAS had been informed and they assured of help. That is why they had full faith in the government that people so overwhelmingly elected and in the CAS who appeared to them as a tough military leader. But alas! Oh poor sons of the soil!! They could never dream that they would be betrayed so miserably by the guardian of the nation and also, more criminally, by the CAS. They could never imagine that the 2nd Palassey was about to be staged at Dhaka again. A number of wives of officers staying inside Peelkhana tried to call Begum Naznin Moeen, the wife of CAS Moeen, to seek help. Unfortunately and shamefully enough, she did not receive any call coming in from the endangered families.

Why Gate no 5 of Peelkhana was left unguarded on 25th and 26th February? The officers of RAB 10, after arriving near Gate no 5 at 10:30am, saw the obvious choice of deploying near Gate 5 and along the low-height outer perimeter wall separating Peelkhana from the civilian area. They were certain that the area could be the most suitable stretch of place for storming into Peelkhana and also for a quick extrication. But at around 11:30am, the Additional DG of RAB Colonel Rezanur (cousin of Bahauddin Nasim) ordered RAB 10 through the CO to move away to Beribadh Area about 3km from Peelkhana. Bewildered and confused with this order, RAB 10 had to move out leaving Gate 5 and moved to Beribadh area for assuming the role of sitting pregnant ducks. That was how Colonel Rezanur, one of the elder siblings of Mir Zafor Ali khan of Palassey, ensured that BDR killers had a free run through that area after they completed their crime against humanity. It also ensured that the looted arms and ammunitions could be easily sent to the house of ward commissioner Torab Ali for onward distribution to BCL cadres. Other than RAB 10, RAB 2 and 3 were also near Peelkhana by 10:30am on 25th February.

The bodies of Colonel Mujib and Lieutenant Colonel Enayet were found and recovered from the sewerage at 2:30pm on 25th February. The team of 14 BDR men went to the residence of PM at 3:30pm. And after discussion that lasted about 150 minutes, the PM declared general amnesty to all killers ignoring the fact that dead bodies of two officers were already found. During the entire period of discussion, PM didn’t ask a single time about the fate of other officers. Nobody also told about the fate of the officers. The PM wanted peaceful negotiation. The government concluded that it was a peaceful and politically solved mutiny. Well, that means the lives of 57 officers have no value! Their value lay only in monetary grant, state funeral and flats and cheques from banks. What a treacherous traitor! How can a PM of a nation be such a traitor!! To those intellectuals of the country and of India who think that a military action would have caused a ‘civil war’ or could have caused more lives, it can be said that a military action starting at around 11:30 am would have ended within two hours maximum. You blind intellectuals, please search the history of the entire mankind. You will find that whenever there was no “right cause” of a mutiny, it ended immediately on being intervened militarily. That is how Major General Matin, the then GOC 9 Infantry Division, quickly solved the Ansar revolt at Shafipur within 30 minutes. Did Indian government solve the Mumbai attack politically? Why not? Only civilians were kept hostage in Mumbai. If army moved in, the BDR troops, who were not well organized at 11:30, would have surrendered and some of them would have fled. Instead, the PM declared a general amnesty, knowing fully well that officers were killed, thus giving a free chit to kill and torture. PM was time and again informed that the families were being tortured. She was unmoved. CAS was informed by the national monitoring cell of the conversation between BDR troops and outsiders. The BDR troops were narrating how they were killing officers and torturing their families. CAS asked the officer at the monitoring cell “not to be emotional.” We hope Moeen’s wife and daughter are tortured to death when he is alive, just to see his emotional state.

Mirza Azam ensured brutal murder of Colonel Gulzar, avenging the death of his criminal relative Shykh Abdur Rahman. He was frequently talking to his BDR contacts inside Peelkhana over cell phone on 25th February. He instructed the killers to gouge out the eyes of Gulzar and break his spinal cord.

Colonel Emdad, sector commander Khulna, was alive in the toilet of darbar hall at least up to 1:30pm. He offered his zohr prayer and talked to his wife. Colonel Aftab, sector commander Rangpur, sent 3 sms to his senior colleagues (one brigadier and two colonels) at 4:30pm stating “I am alive in darbar hall, pls rescue us”. And still in the parliament the PM keeps lying that all the officers were killed by 10:30am. And still the AL and their entire team of foot-lickers swear by God that all killings ended by 11 am.

On 25th February night about 7 to 9 white speed boats were used to let the fleeing BDR killers cross Buriganga. Haji Selim coordinated the entire effort. Local civilians were asked to move away from the scene by the associates of Haji Selim. If you kindly recall a news coverage at 1:00 am on 25th night where some local eyewitnesses were interviewed. They told that they had seen a few speed boats plying across the river, but they were forced out of the place by some political workers. Please also recall that this news was never broadcasted by any other channel, that news just vanished from the media.

None of the officers of the of the officers of the revolting 44 Rifle Battalion was killed: Lieutenant Colonel Shams, Major Mahbub, Major Ishtiaq. All offices of officers were ransacked except 44 Rifle Battalion. At about 10:45am, a few minutes after the mutiny had begun, Shams was seen briefing a large number of BDR troops near gate no 5. A few civilians from outside crowd shouted, “Officer ra shoinik thekey alada hoye jaan.” Immediately thereafter Shams finished the briefing hurriedly and went away. As a reward for being part of the conspiracy, Shams was released to join SSF. The core of the mutineers was from 44 Rifle battalion. As such, in military terms, it was a fatal failure of Shams, CO 44 Battalion, to stop the mutiny of such a horrific magnitude. For that the CO must have been sacked immediately and taken into custody for further inquiry. Instead, he became a media hero of AL by changing his statements and fabricating the truth. Please note that when BDR killers were being interrogated at RAB headquarters, some of them confessed of the killing. But they insisted that Lieutenant Colonel Shams be asked about the planning as they didn’t know the planning in details. Army inquiry team asked statement of Lieutenant Colonel Shams and wanted to question him. But it was refused from PM office. None of the officers of the communication unit of BDR, headed under Lieutenant Colonel Quamruzzaman, was also killed!

On 26th February morning Nanak and Mirza Azam threatened the just rescued wives/families of officers, “Do not talk to media because your husbands are still inside.” Nanak and Mirza wanted to ensure that (1) the country didn’t come to know immediately about the torture that went inside Peelkhana, and (2) no interference was there as the coordinated obliteration of evidence and dead bodies was about to end that evening . Interesting to note that a few hundred looted weapons and ammunitions, specially pistols, were handed over to BCL cadres through the team of Torab Ali.

· Entire media and the nation know that Taposh was not allowed to enter Peelkhana on 25th and 26th February by the BDR troops. This is also a blunt lie. He entered into Peelkhana a number of times on 25th Febraury. He was the person who declared DAD Touhid as the new DG of BDR, which appeared in the scrolls of TV channels. This was the signal of letting all BDR battalions across the country to know that Peelkhana operation was successful. Then onward mutiny started spreading all over the country.
On 27th February when the second mass grave was discovered, Nanak proposed to Brigadier General Mamun Khaled to handover the mutilated and decomposed bodies to their families immediately without media coverage and a mass state funeral. An officer of engineering corps got furious and went to hit Nanak, but he was restrained by other on duty army officers. Nanak and Mamun Khaled were sitting nearby. And as the mutilated bodies of martyred officers were being removed from the mass grave, Mr Joy was handing over payment to a few foreign and a few BDR killers in Dubai.

Some inane intellectuals of the country think that there could be civil war if army stormed into Peelkhana on 25th. They argue that army’s rescue mission into Peelkhana could trigger mutiny in all BDR units nationwide thereby starting a civil war. Respected intellectuals, do you have any idea what is a civil war? All BDR troops revolting around the country could be called a civil war? Then what could the nationwide unrest and brutal killing on 28 October 2006 be called? What do you call the nationwide killing, torture and unrest in educational institutions by BCL after January 2009? What do you think? Could the BDR attack army cantonments? Really? The total BDR troops is about 45,000, of which 10,000 were in Dhaka on 25th, leaving about 35,000 countrywide. The army has about 155,000 troops, of which about 25,000 at Dhaka and the rest 130,000 outside Dhaka. That leaves the ratio of about 1:4 between BDR and army, leaving aside the inferiority of armament of BDR compared to that of the army. Some intellectuals have opined that BDR could have started killing civilian population all around the country. People are also arguing that civilians around Peelkhana could have been killed. It appears that all intellectuals are retired army officers, knowing fully well how army operations are conducted. Dear myopic intellectuals, army knows how to operate in an area like Peelkhana and its surroundings. Fighting in Built Up Area (FIBUA) is a subject of utmost importance in military training. Never mind readers! In Bangladesh, there are more opinion givers than there are workers.

Major General Moinul Hossain was a captain in the infantry battalion which took part in the killing of President Zia. He somehow escaped trial. On 27th February, the same Moinul Hossain assembled a group of officer and discussed the Peelkhana issue. He convinced the officers with logic that the government and CAS Moeen had failed to handle Peelkhana incident resulting to the death of so many officers and humiliation of the families. He then told them to type down their points of grievances and submit to him. Then he took those to Lieutenant General Aminul Karim and told him (General Amin) to discuss these with the CAS Moeen. Moinul Hossain also instructed the officers to give those points in an organized way during CAS address at Senakunj on 28th February. All officers shouted against traitor Moeen at Senkunj. Moeen urinated on his chair at Senakunj and was severely panicked. He had to be assisted to walk away by “Army Security Unit” officers as he fearfully left the venue. He had to change his dress to attend the namaz-e-janaza scheduled immediately after the address. Later Lieutenant General Aminul Karim was charged for instigating the officers against government and failing to exercise proper command. He was immediately sacked. Oh! What an irony of fate!! The then Brigadier General Moinul Hossain ensured that one anti-Indian Lieutenant General exited the army without any fault. And that Mr Moinul is now trying to reshape BDR with the help of India as the new DG BDR, who every other day gets innocent Bangladeshis shot down by BSF. Now our enemy will dictate how our defense against him will be reshaped and reorganized! Everything is possible in Bangladesh.

After reversing his projected role in 1/11, the real face of RAW agent Moeen started emerging. His first step was to remove Lieutenant General Masud Uddin Chowdhury, a man known well for his courage and patriotism. Moeen’s family corruption with brothers Iftekhar U Ahmed and Belal U Ahmed became known in the entire country. In 2008, Moeen visited India for negotiation. After he was back to the country, 67 chassis of Indian ‘covered van’ trucks were brought in through Benapole by one of his brothers who is engaged in transport business. Those were brought without any tax/clearance of customs. All the chassis were seized in the border by BDR battalion as they didn’t know to whom those chassis belonged. Rest of the story was simple. The sector commander and battalion commander were about to lose their jobs and those chassis were given a free run to Dhaka. One of his brothers owns a diagnostic center at Banani, which made a monopolistic business by forcing all Libya going labors to have their medical test after 1/11. Another brother of Moeen, Iftekhar Ahmed Tipu, increased his land property at Ashulia from 20 bighas to 50+ bighas between 1/11 and November 2008. How many books CAS Moeen has written? One, two or three? A series of encyclopedia can be written about the corruption of CAS Moeen. [i]He ensured that young officers and soldiers of Bangladesh Army had worked likes bulls and dogs during the emergency period. Leave of officers were curtailed. Officers were kept detached from their families for months together. Officers were forced to execute whatever he wanted, surreptitiously hiding his evil intention. Meanwhile he, along with his accomplices both in army and outside, amassed millions both in cash and kind. And now the blame comes to the entire army, and the young, innocent and the patriotic officers of the army are being tagged as corrupted “army officers”. Nation eagerly awaits General Moeen’s open trial in future. The face of this criminal of the new millennium must surface to the nation.

What was the drama unfolding in DGFI and RAB headquarters, TFI cell and CID? Immediately after the Peelkhana incident, young officers of RAB found out all the clues of the conspiracy linking AL leaders, including the call record of 204 minutes between Nanak and DAD towhid on 24th February. However, all such call records have been deleted by this time and as a reward of the patriotism and truthfulness of those RAB and DGFI officers, they were immediately ousted from RAB and DGFI to different corners of the country. About 100+ officers have already been prematurely ousted from Dhaka. DG DGFI Mollah Fazle Akbar, in a briefing, asked the officers of DGFI headquarters to lead the inquiry out of AL connections. A few murmurings by junior officers against such a treacherous proposal by the DG saw immediate posting out of those officers from DGFI. Now, Brigadier General Mamun Khaled of DGFI has been tasked to prepare the list of officers who voiced against CAS and the traitors so that they can be gradually sacked from the army. The list would include about 50 officers. In retaliation to the noble and sincere, though failed, attempt to force a military intervention at Peelkhana and later on for proper investigation, quite a few officers have been sacked silently. The plan is to at first put the officers in different peripheral units of the army, and then gradually sack them on different grounds, not linked to Peelkhana. DGFI teams started working in all TV channels from 2nd March, just to ensure that truth was not leaked out. Major Atik, the beloved intelligence RAB officer of Colonel Gulzar, has been tasked to establish link between Peelkhana conspiracy and JMB, BNP or any other militant organization. Colonel Gulzar liked him very much and that is why, violating all the rules, Major Atik were kept in RAB intelligence for 5 years at a stretch. What a return he is now giving to the martyred soul of Colonel Gulzar!! Major Azim, a close relative of Sheikh Helal was posted as Acting Director of RAB Intelligence. He was permanently superseded for promotion to the next rank, but this time AL will surely reward him for helping AL as a traitor to the nation. He is now working whole-hearted to wipe out all evidence against AL connection. The initial findings against AL were firmly established by Lieutenant Colonel Majid and Major Hamid. Both of them have been re-assigned and the evidence linking to AL has been sent into trash by Major Azim. Why IG Police was not selected as an active member of any inquiry team? Was it because that he would whole-heartedly try to find out the truth about the killing of his slain son-in-law and the molesters of his daughter? CID, with its professional looking yellow jackets and AC microbus, would do everything to ensure that a fair trial is not staged and AL culprits are never brought to justice.

Nanak had to be involved as he fled to India and has the reputation of possessing the cool-blooded murderer’s instinct. He was the person involved in the burning of a BRTC bus near Sheraton hotel using gun powder for the first time in the history of Bangladesh, which killed 11 innocent people. Mirza Azam was his partner. This job was given to Jubo League by Sheikh Hasina with a view “rajpoth dhorey rakhtey hobey.” The entire confession by Sheikh Selim about the murder is now available in youtube as an audio clip (search “Sheikh Selim confesses of setting fire on bus Part 1 and 2”). One of the courteous interrogators of Sheikh Selim was Colonel Gulzar, who was trying to do justice for those 11 innocent Bangladeshis burnt alive inside the bus. Sheikh Selim and entire AL have taken revenge by sending Gulzar to a horrible death. Joy could have been a choice for future leadership of AL. But Joy, due to his immature talks and poor verbal communication skill, and also due to his long stay in US, was not the most obvious choice. Instead, Taj is the son of the widely accepted personality and the first prime minister of Bangladesh Tajuddin Ahmed, and thus rightly could be chosen to be a top AL leader. Same was the issue of Barrister Fazle Noor Taposh, son of Sheikh Moni. They would ensure that the family leadership in AL is maintained in future and the legacy of killing and arson continued. However, the criminals like Tofail, Suranjit Sen and the likes would not sit tight and vanish into oblivion.

Please also note that the military team of inquiry, specially Brigadier General Hasan Nasir, proposed to interrogate Nanak to know his whereabouts on 25th night while Sahara was staging the drama of arms surrender inside Peelkahna. Immediately following this demand, Brigadier General Hasan Nasir was replaced by a new member of the team of inquiry[ii]. Nanak suddenly developed chest pain and was rushed to Labaid Hospital. Later, to avoid the inquiry, he was sent to Singapore on 1st of April for fake treatment. Within a few days following the visit of Indian foreign secretary on 12th April and his meetings with PM and CAS Moeen, Nanak came back from Singapore. The military inquiry was a mockery as the terms of reference did not allow an inquiry in the truest sense. Lieutenant General Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, known for his honesty and integrity, faltered and succumbed to the government pressure. He should have resigned from the presidency of the board of inquiry, which surely would bring an end to his military career. What else the general is left to achieve in his career? Could he not be courageous to prove his integrity to the nation? It is almost needless to comment on minister Ashraful Islam denouncing military inquiry report as it couldn’t find out any connection of JMB or anti-liberation force. Doesn’t it denote the government was trying to influence the inquiry boards to establish JMB and BNP-Jamaat link with the murders forcefully? Judge yourself.

Lieutenant Colonel Abdul Mukim Sarkar (CO 25 Rifle battalion Panchagar) was with the BDR killers at Peelkhana on 25th Feb 09. The killers were addressing him as “sir”, and at the same time they called other officers “Kuttar bachcha” and killed them, bayoneted them, burnt them, gouged their eyes out, broke their backbone. Following is the extract of Mukim’s conversation on 25th February at 9:30pm with his subedar major: “Amader nirdesh holo sainikder jatey kono khoti na hoy. Jara paliye geche to geche…apnara DAD shaheb k niya valo thaken. Aar kono bahini jatey vitorey dhuktey na parey. DAD shaheb ke enader sathey kotha boltey bolben…” This is the crux of the conversation. His voice was calm and stable at 9:30pm on 25th February! Note that he said “amader nirdesh holo”, meaning Mukim was directly involved in the mutiny. Who is “amader”? What did he mean by “Aar kono bahini jatey vitorey dhuktey na parey”? The answer is left to your judgment.

After Faruk Khan declared that some Muslim terrorists were involved, suddenly Moulana Sobhan was taken into safe custody and put in a RAB safe house. It was a plan to make a false statement by Mr Sobhan about the involvement of Islamic militants with the BDR massacre. But a daily newspaper reported immediately after his secret hiding under RAB custody that no Islamic militants were involved. The report was published with a lot of facts and figures. That report was stunningly true. This forced the AL to abandon the idea of making a false Islamic militant link to the massacre. Mr Sobhan was then allowed to leave the safe custody. After a few days he, along with his few other party members, met PM expressing their solidarity with the government.

How can a disciplined organization like Army, BDR or Police stage a mutiny to put forward their demands? Is it a jungle they are working in? There are set procedures in all these organizations to project individual and collective grievances. That was truly done by the BDR leadership, as projected by DG Shakil during an interview in Channel I two days before his death. Realization of the demands was being delayed by the ministry of home affairs, not by BDR. Police had similar demands about their ration. That’s why, within 3 days of Peelkhana massacre, we saw in the scrolls of TV channels that government had decided to give 100% ration to police. It was a hasty and face saving move by the snail-paced ministry.


The seed of Peelkhana massacre was sown right at Roumari in April 2001, where 150 BSF personnel were killed inside Bangladesh territory. They came in to raid and capture a Bangladesh BDR camp, but the local Bangladeshi civilians informed the BDR about the intrusion. Following that, four army officers (one major and 3 captains) led the BDR troops and ran havoc on BSF. 128 bodies were handed over to BSF right there and the rest 22 bodies were handed over from Dhaka, which was telecast by ETV, covered by Shupon Roy. Sheikh Hasina, the then PM, said “sorry” to her Indian counterpart innumerable times over telephone. The then DG BDR ALM Fazlur Rahman was immediately removed from command. PM Sheikh Hasina accused that it was DG BDR who alone took the decision about Roumari and Padua cases. Actually General Fazlu took the steps keeping the Home Minister (Nasim) and PM in full picture. So the PM, Home Minister and Foreign Minister fooled the entire nation and also the Indian government by lying bluntly. This put the entire BDR, led by army officers, in a very awkward position as the command of BDR was betrayed by the government itself. Apart from Roumari, 15 BSF personnel died in Padua a few days before in the same month, which was the initiation of the total issue. Padua, an area of about 500 acres at the border in Sylhet, was used as a Muktibahini training camp where Indian Army organized training in 1971. When the Muktibahinis were called to deposit their arms at Sylhet stadium after 16th December 1971, they vacated Padua camp. Immediately thereafter, the Indian BSF took over Padua from Indian Army and continued to hold that place until recaptured by BDR in 2001. Padua was under Indian control for 30 years! Many a times BSF agreed to handover Padua in the flag meetings, but continued to hold that area illegally. Let the people of Bangladesh know that Padua was captured by BDR in 2001 and BSF of Padua Camp were disarmed, captivated and handed over to BSF authority. About 15 BSF personnel died as they opened fire and was fired back by BDR forces led by army officers. Roumari capture was planned by BSF as retaliation to Padua. Roumari was planned to be used as a bargaining chip to get back Padua. But as BSF sustained heavy casualty at Roumari and lost miserably, the government of AL came under tremendous Indian pressure. Finally, Bangladesh government handed Padua back to India in the same month (April 2001)!! The handing over ceremony was covered by ZE Mamun of the then ETV. Please note that at that time the GSO-1 of Operations of BDR was Lieutenant Colonel Rezanur (now Colonel and Additional DG of RAB). He is the cousin of Bahauddin Nasim of AL. He tried to victimize the officers who took part in Roumari operation, but was prevented from doing so by the DG. In 2009, he led the TFI interrogation and desperately tried to eliminate all external links to Peelkhana conspiracy. Interesting to note that Rezanur was posted to RAB to replace ADG Operation Colonel Gulzar. Colonel Gulzar thought to make a thorough briefing and orientation for Rezanur for a period of about a month because Gulzar was in full picture of RAB operations and crime scenario of the netire country. But unfortunately, Rezanur gave a cold shoulder to him and indirectly forced him to leave RAB immediately to join BDR. A normal orientation for Rezanur by Gulzar would not have allowed Gulzar to be in BDR uniform on 25th February. Gulzar was actually forced into the death trap by his colleague Colonel Rezanur.

Interestingly enough, whenever BDR is ambushed or attacked by BSF or Shanti Bahini in Hill Tracts in the absence of army officers, they even some time leave their weapon and run away. On the contrary, the same BDR men fight and win against BSF in every single encounter when led by army officers. To verify this phenomenon, you may inquire with the elderly mature population living in the peripheral areas of our border with India. So, it was always BSF versus army officers, never BSF versus BDR. Since BSF could not operate inside Bangladesh to avenge their continuous defeats, it was RAW[iii] which came in naturally. There are hundreds of RAW agents within our government machineries that even include a few army officers. Many of them are intellectually corrupt and as such work as unpaid agents of RAW. A good number of intellectuals, educationists and columnists are agents of RAW. Neutral and intelligent Bangladeshis can easily spot them without any hesitation.

After Sheikh Hasina assumed the leadership of AL in 1981, she attended a tea party at Bush house in London. She was introduced to the editors, journalists and directors of BBC by Serajur Rahman, a renowned journalist and columnist who also introduced Sheikh Mujib, Father of the Nation, to the world media in 1969. In Bush house that day, while giving an interview, Sheikh Hasina said that she hated politics, but she was in politics only to avenge the assassination of her father Sheikh Mujib. The interviewer immediately stopped recording the conversation and made her understand what could go wrong terribly if her statement of revenge was publicized in Bangladesh. (Daily Naya Diganta, 24 March 2009, page 6)

Now, if you connect the BSF+RAW with the mindset of Hasina, can you reach a reasonable conclusion that the aim of RAW and AL coincided somewhere?


Many noted economists argue that India has nothing to do with the economy of Bangladesh because Indian economy is much resilient and India is heading for the place of a super power on the globe. Unfortunately, they are too myopic and insane in thinking like that. Indian economy is not as healthy as it looks outwardly. In 2008 alone, 1500 peasants committed suicide only in Chattishgarh after being unable to repay bank and lenders loan. How many similar suicides take place in Bangladesh? Bangladesh provides a market of not less than 150 million people, most of which is ready to consume low-cost low-quality products of India. India illegally pushes about 167 items into Bangladesh, a few of which are sugar, powder milk, Yaba tablet, Phensidyl and clothing items. Most of these items are, surely enough, custom-produced for Bangladesh. This is no secret. And none can deny accepting this fact. Lieutenant General Jahangir Alam Chowdhury, an ex DG BDR successfully brought down this number to 35 in connivance with the government. If you kindly recall the coverage in a national daily in March 2009, present AL government decided to urge India to stop the Phensidyl factories along the Indian border west of Bangladesh. Another such product is powder milk. Please recall the media coverage on fresh milk vendors spilling out thousands of kg of cow milk on the road as the regular big buyers were either not buying their fresh milk, or offering very low price. The media coverage was on 9th and 10th April 2009. This was because the giant milk producers were getting low-cost powder milk from India as border was open for Indian goods after AL came into power. There are thousands of other examples that may be quoted. Before 25 February 2009, one bottle of Phensidyl was being sold at Dhaka at Tk 1000/=. After 26 February the price came down to Tk 100/= and the media gives the proof of capture of thousands of Phensidyl bottles all around Bangladesh, indicating a clear run of Indian deadly goods into our land beginning early 2009. You may please note that the production cost of a bottle of Phensidyl produced for Bangladesh, inclusive fixed overheads, stands somewhere between 6 and 8.50 rupees. India also has different powerful tools to influence the economy of Bangladesh. Atta is selling at about Rs 7 in India and Tk 18 in Bangladesh, Flour at about Rs 9 in India and Tk 24-30 in Bangladesh. US ‘Red Heart Winter Wheat’ selling at USD 132 per ton in India, why not in Bangladesh? Whenever their would be and anti-Indian psyche in power in Bangladesh, she will play her evil moves with these facts and figures, artfully assisted by the Marwari investors working at Old Dhaka with billions. Soon Bangladesh will observe how her spinning mills, poultry and diary industry, re-rolling mills—all go down into trash due to Indian game assisted by Bangladeshi traitors.

RAW knows that anti-AL parties of Bangladesh, who know the deep-rooted evil intention of India, would never allow a transit of 700km for India through Bangladesh. India is not also ready to give only 40km transit to Bangladesh for Nepal and China. India hates “transit to Nepal and China” subject so much that she never allowed it to be in the agenda of any bi-lateral or SAARC meetings. The recent declaration of making Chittagong an international port is nothing but to serve the Indian interest. Who could use this port other than Bangladesh? Obviously Nepal and China could be the beneficiaries in addition to India. But for Nepal and China, use of this port without a transit through India was of no value. As such, Chittagong can serve the interest of India by becoming international. You will observe sanction of loan from ADB or other organization/country for renovation/reconstruction of Dhaka-Chittagong highway soon enough. Though this was a long awaited requirement of the nation, but the relatively unimportant roads entering into Bangladesh from the west of North Bengal (Rajshahi Division) received more importance. This was to allow, when needed, quick entry of Indian Army into Bangladesh with tanks and large artillery pieces with a quicker access to the capital. Otherwise, the first national highway that should have become multi-driveway and multi-lane was Dhaka-Chittagong highway, the lifeline of the economy. Now that India is about to fetch the benefit of “International port” from Chittagong, the road leading to the port city would also get prime attention.

The 700km transit to India through Bangladesh would bring down the cost of transporting one truck load from Kolkata to Assam/Tripura from Rs 34,000/36,000 to Rs 7,000/8,000. The time taken for transporting the goods would also reduce by 70%. And if India uses Chittagong Port to transport goods to Assam, the cost would be as low as Rs 500 per ton! But, in return, India is not ready to even discuss the issues of Nepal and China’s transit into Bangladesh, which could help Bangladesh import goods from China at much lower cost and export to China at a price lucrative for the Chinese. If India gets only the port facilities at Chittagong and not the 700km transit, it will still be highly cost-effective for her for shipment of goods to the seven sisters. Unfortunately enough, still intellectuals of Bangladesh will go to India to lick their foot and bring back laurels, and spend hours in the “talk shows” in TV explaining why we must immediately give transit to India citing examples of EU and North America (NAFTA). Is the backdrop of creating EU and the political situation in North and Central America similar to this sub-continent?

Poor Bangladesh always possesses the potentials of a reasonably large market for illegal drugs, the median age being much lower with more younger and impoverished people than most of the countries on the planet. The population of Bangladesh is more than Russia and equal to the total population combining UK, France and Italy. In a bid to earn money and to keep India free from drugs, India tries to re-route all drugs coming in from north-north-west and south of India into Bangladesh at high cost, thus acting as middleman. Drugs arriving from Golden Triangle are also routed through Tripura into Bangladesh. Joynal Hazari is one of the beneficiaries of such trades.

Other issues related to sharing of Ganges water, natural gas, joint task force, islands in the south-east etc have not been included, just not to make this article more boring. The barrage on Barak River at Tipai Mukh is also coming up as another stab into the soul of our economy, flora and fauna. Do we know that on the issue of Ganges water sharing, the first memorandum of understanding included the term of a “third country” to mediate between Bangladesh and India if the issue of water sharing could not be bilaterally solved? What about the new memorandum signed in 1996? The clause of “third country” was removed to allow India a free run. The main Indian agenda will be realized soon without the present Bangladeshi government making any effort to serve the interest of the nation. On 19th May alone, two Bangladeshis were killed near Roumari border by BSF and another two on the same day at Bholahat border. At least 15 innocent Bangladeshis have been murdered by BSF in our own land between January-June 2009. Absolutely no reaction from the government of Bangladesh! In addition, the government is actively considering taking help from India to reorganize BDR! Our enemy will help us to reorganize a force which will always guard us against the same enemy. What a farce! What a circus!! AL will also tarnish the image of the nation in dealing with the 10-truck arms haul case pressured by India. The country’s prestige will lie naked. People with some sense know very well what was the case and how should it be dealt with. But AL will never care what happens to the nation of which they claim to be the sole liberators. And through this case, the army officers who have been purposefully USED and EXPLOITED by the government from time-to-time, would project a wrong picture about the entire army. Suffice to say that India can’t fulfill her evil desires without the help of AL. That is why all her efforts would be to make AL survive in the helm of power as long as possible. And it will be possible if the army is subdued, politicized and other political parties are weakened.

Let’s come back to BDR. As long as army officers were in BDR, all evil intentions of India to cripple the economy of Bangladesh and make her an open market for dumping trash would remain at bay.

If you have any relative who served in RAB before 2009, please ask him about the source of arms that were recovered from criminals. It was India. Ask them the source of JMB explosives, detonators, gun powder, and dice for ammunition that were/are recovered or used inside Bangladesh. All undoubtedly made in India. Please rewind and watch the close-ups of TV channel coverage on explosives captured recently from suspected JMB operatives. Which country’s name was printed on the explosive packs? India. Ask them the source of heroin and marijuana seized inside Bangladesh. It is also obviously India. Ask them the source of low-quality white sugar that was pouring into Bangladesh at the rate of 35 ton a day. India. On the contrary, India is taking away fertilizer, diesel, petrol and gold—all valuable goods—from Bangladesh through smuggling. So, who is the loser? Judge yourself. India takes away “life” from us and, in return, offers us “death”. With the barbed wire fencing all along the border, it is India’s choice to decide what would go inside Bangladesh and vice versa. It is also India’s sweet will to shoot down any innocent Bangladeshi peasant or shepherd working near the border on their own land inside Bangladesh.

If you kindly recall, the father of the nation, Sheikh Mujib, never trusted the army. Perhaps he saw what Indian Army did to us in exchange of fulfilling her evil desire in 1971 under the shadow of liberating Bangladesh. We could have won a decisive victory alone, may be it would have taken us 18/27/36 months. Vietnam experience of US proved it later. Anyway, the mistrust of Sheikh Mujib created Jatiya Rakhkhi Bahini (JRB) as a parallel organization against army. The wrath of army and the nation came down on him when Sheikh Kamal picked up the wife of Major Dalim and molested her. It was the terminal event that concluded the other crimes that were destroying the country keeping Sheikh Mujib in an apparent darkness by his associates. The country also experienced the worst famine in 1974. On 15 August 1975, Mr Tofail Ahmed was in-charge of JRB. If you kindly recall, the name of Tofail came in the front page of Daily Ittefaq as one of the accused in Sheikh Mujib murder case once the case was initiated by AL government for the first time. It was because under his leadership, JRB failed to react against the mutiny and surrendered without firing a single bullet at the Second Capital (Agargaon). Tofail changed his face immediately after the killing. He was also accused of walking over the dead body of Mujib in an apparent attempt to show his loyalty to the mutineers and thereby saving his own life. However, for mysterious reasons, the name of Tofail later disappeared from the list of accused. His same face of betrayal emerged again after 1/11, when he voiced out anti-AL comments in the national media against Sheikh Hasina to save himself from Joutho Bahini. Unfortunately AL has failed to assess this traitor, and has taken him back in the election 2008.

If army officers could be thrown out of BDR and BCS officers could be taken in, then BDR could become another Rakhkhi Bahini for AL. Please recall the cabinet meeting on 25th February 2009. It was discussed that 27th BCS and another Special BCS would be taken into BDR. Can you guess who made the proposal? None but Mr Tofail Ahmed! Would you please believe that a list of about 200-300 BCS cadres was prepared for induction into BDR as Special BCS? One day God will definitely let this truth see light. We have to wait and see how BDR is reorganized in the long run by AL. However, so far, under the pressure of army officers, AL is yet to work out inclusion of BCS officers in reshaped BDR.

It must be mentioned that AL eyed BDR for conversion into Rakhkhi Bahini quite a few years ago. A lot of BDR troops are dismissed from service every year for corruption. Only real culprits and offenders are sent home, because the trial in BDR is not political. Unlike the armymen, BDR troops have the right to appeal in civil court. As in Bangladesh, whether the dismissed BDR troops would get back their job depends on the political government in power. Out of such about 1100 appeals during the BNP regime between 1991 and 95, less than 25 sacked BDR troops got back their jobs. Conversely, between 1996 and 2001, AL reinstated about 2000+ sacked BDR troops. To whom these criminals would remain indebted for the rest of their lives? Definitely AL. So, it was not surprising that the disciples of those reinstated troops shouted “Joy Bangla” on 25th February at Peelkhana. But, if asked now, none of the officers who were forced to take the decision of reinstating the sacked BDR troops in the face of AL pressure would admit their part in giving back job to the sacked criminals of BDR.

BDR troops were being deprived too much of illegal money since 2002 as talented army officers started to join BDR. Newly promoted colonels, considered to be the most promising future leaders of the army, started to join BDR on their promotion. Colonels Reza, Gulzar, Imam, Emdad, Nakib, Aftab were such promising talented officers known in the entire army. Following this trend, the earning from share of smuggling in BDR came down sharply. The ADs and DADs of BDR, who rise from the ranks of sepoy, were the worst sufferers. It was easy for them to make the young BDR troops compare the past with the present and future. The past was full of money, the present offered very little illegal money, and the future was bleak if army officers continued to lead them. They desperately needed a change. A change that could take out army officers from BDR. An obvious choice was BCS officers to replace the armymen. BCS officers are not psycho-physically and emotionally trained to lead a para-military organization like BDR. It would also be difficult for them to lead BDR during border skirmishes where physical fitness and knowledge on military tactics and weapon handling are vital. Recall the experience during Ershad regime when he tried to train newly recruited ASPs for 1 year in Bangladesh Military Academy. The aim was to build a strong police force. But even the police officers could not sustain the psycho-physical hardship of BMA due to age and other factors and the idea had to be abandoned under tremendous uproar. The ADs, DADs and the AL thought that if the BCS officers were taken from AL cadres, then it could be an orgy of cross-border corruption and illegal money, as a bonus to the re-creation of Rakhkhi Bahini.


All the aims of RAW, AL, corrupt BDR troops and anti-army psyche converged wonderfully to a single aim—destroy BDR and army. It was a complex strategy to cause Bangladesh to “collapse within”. Unthinkable corruption by Tareq Zia and his associates, including his black money investment of thousands of crore taka in Malaysia and elsewhere, added additional advantage to usher in the collapse. Followings were to ensure it:

Creation of 1/11. It would cause destruction of the capitalism that was about to usher in rapid industrialization[iv] in Bangladesh. In addition, uprooting the small entrepreneurs from the roadsides and villages would cause alienation of the army from the general people who otherwise adore and love Bangladesh Army. Who all were the owners of small tea-stalls and vendor shops along the road sides in entire Bangladesh? They were the poor people who were left unattended by the government to survive at their own. The poor people occupied small pieces of khas land to erect little shops investing from as low as a few thousand takas to 50000 or above. They were the self-employed people, a vital economic force at the grass root level. Why on earth it was a major part of the agenda of the caretaker government to destroy these harmless entrepreneurs? They were keeping many “have nots” employed and contributed to the national GDP. Their destruction was to create poverty and crime. Still, the foolhardy caretaker government concentrated in their destruction instead of focusing on some other issues, like collection of revenue that was overdue from the large entrepreneurs amounting thousands of crore taka. Making black money white could also ensure normalization of the dark market and could make a new beginning. But 1/11 was aimed to ensure “collapse within”.

Destruction of BDR and its reconstruction suiting to the need of BSF.

Destruction of the army, breaking the backbone of morale of the army officers.

Peelkhana came as the obvious choice after 1/11. General Moeen U Ahmed[v], surely a RAW agent[vi], forced the emergency following the decision taken during Manikganj Conspiracy in early January. AL and BNP were in quagmire as their naked faces were being publicized to the entire world. Fortunately for them, US withdrew her back-up on Indian plea, as part of the total plan, and asked Moeen to reverse his effort. Moeen had only one choice: bring AL to power or face a disgraceful exit and trial for corruption. It was then that the Peelkhana was chosen for revenge by RAW. If you kindly recall, Jahangir Kabir Nanak fled to India and remained there until it was safe to come back in late 2008. He was the contact of AL with RAW for the entire planning. That is why he came to the forefront of negotiation on 25th February despite having no relation with BDR, army or Home Ministry. After all, who knew better than him about the entire plan? And who else in the AL was closer to DAD Towhid?

The campaign for Peelkhana massacre began in November 2008 at the hands of Mr Sajeeb Wajed Joy, the schizophrenic son of PM. His article with co-author Carl Siovacco in US accused Bangladesh army and other military and para-military organizations of recruiting thousands of Muslim fundamentalist terrorists. For this type of comment in India prior to an election, the party would have lost peoples’ mandate. Indians would not have tolerated such an anti-nation lie told by the son of the party leader. But for Bangladesh it is always different. It should be, because a single political party considers itself to be the sole proprietor of Liberation War 1971. Joy reiterated that these organizations needed to be revamped in order to rescue the nation. The campaign gained momentum after AL was elected. A group of intellectuals started criticizing army in the TV channels. The discussion against army was at the peak at the Parliament on 24th February. The campaign was given a new color by the para-military organizations and media as suddenly JMB operatives were being captured countrywide in February. The voice of Joy was echoed by the commerce minister Lieutenant Colonel Faruk Khan immediately after the Peelkhana episode was over. The whole country knows about the pregnancy incident of Mukta, the kept of Faruk Khan. Now he is the custodian of investigations! He murdered about 15 innocent civilians in the mid 70s in Rangpur. His wife was teased in a cinema hall. Later he came back with a few soldiers and sprayed bullet on the cinema hall, killing innocent people. Later Sheikh Mujib, the father of the nation, had to go to Rangpur to diffuse the situation.

Unfortunate for Bangladesh, almost nobody knows that 6 young army officers (one major, 3 captains and 2 lieutenants) were martyred fighting against Shanti Bahini in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). Do the intellectuals of Bangladesh know how did they die and what are the dates of their death? Do they know 7 JCOs were also martyred? Do they know 312 soldiers gave their lives in CHT? Does the nation know anything about their heroic sacrifice for the nation? Does any university student know how their brothers were dying in the treacherous hills trying to save a beautiful piece of land called CHT? Was their ever a lead news in all the national dailies about the martyred officers, JCOs or soldiers? Does the nation know that one Bir Uttam (posthumous), 16 Bir Bikrams, 69 Bir Protiks and 85 CAS Commendations were awarded to the courageous officers and soldiers of Bangladesh Army for outstanding achievements in CHT? Does the nation ever try to remember the martyrs of CHT on their death anniversaries? Does the nation know that more than one-third of the 1600km road in CHT has been constructed by Bangladesh Army? Do you know each battalion deployed for UN mission earns more than USD 2 million for the government itself, excluding what is earned by the individuals as pay and allowances? All answers are negative. But why? Why the nation doesn’t know all these real-life stories? Why the politicians also don’t know these? Because, it is the political parties who keep the army alienated from the people of Bangladesh. The politicians are afraid that the existing love of the general people for the army would multiply if the people know that army doesn’t only provide them VGF service, disaster relief and rehabilitation, emergency water supply, traffic service at Dhaka and so on and so forth, the army people are also sacrificing their lives both in CHT and in UN missions. That could make a deadly combination of the people and the army. Together they could any time eliminate all betrayer politicians from our soil and give birth to a safer and more prosperous nation.

What do you call this ignorance of facts about supreme sacrifices? If patriotism is the precondition to become a political leader, wouldn’t you call this ignorance a crime against the nation?

By the way, dear readers, do you know who were harboring and nourishing and still harboring the insurgents in CHT? India. Just along the reverse U border on the tip of Khagrachari, there are 23 Shanti Bahini training camps, leaving aside the rest of the border of CHT. Kindly note that the worst failure of RAW in its entire history of Bangladesh chapter was its inability to annex CHT with Tripura. If somehow India could let the Shanti Bahini win autonomy from us, then it would be a piece of cake to gradually capture CHT. You don’t need to capture a piece of land physically if you have free access to all the resources and economy of that area.

And India would never dare to militarily capture and hold Bangladesh under her control. It is not because we are militarily superior for our alliance with China. It is because if India makes Bangladesh her part, she has to feed 160 million ill-fed mouths and take care of the large percentage of unemployment. Instead, India can capture the economy of Bangladesh by installing government of her liking (like Sikkim) and fetching more benefit than if Bangladesh were part of India physically. A street vendor would understand this. But if you ask the Indian-foot-licking people of Bangladesh, they would raise their eyebrows in astonishment and say, “For God’s sake, how on earth people are insane enough to say something so obnoxious against mother India?” Ungrateful intellectuals indeed!! Just wait and see. India’s effort worth billions of rupees for more than two decades in CHT seemingly went futile due to interest of AL. However, the peace accord was just the end of Part 1, just a travesty. Bangladesh is yet so see what is India and RAW. Surely enough, within a decade or two, Bangladesh will witness with horror the resurrection of Shanti Bahini with a new get up and with greater prowess. Nevertheless, if AL stays in power for long, India may not outwardly revamp Shanti Bahini, instead will adopt indirect approach to suck everything out of Bangladesh. We have not forgotten what Indian Army took away after our liberation. They didn’t even spare the regulators of ceiling fans from cantonment barracks to be looted, and also took away shit-pot (bodna) from barrack toilets!!

Anyway, having understood the interest of the stakeholders of Peelkhana massacre, let us now see how the carnage was artfully planned.


You might know that the BDR Week 2009 was postponed initially. Then it was decided that it would take place under the new DG BDR. Brigadier General Moinul Hossain was informed of his coming assignment as DG BDR. He was then in the National Defense College. Later, the BDR Week was given a go from Home Ministry for reasons unknown, but known now.

The plan was aimed at achieving the following short-term objectives, the long-terms yet to be unearthed:

To make BDR politicized and ineffective in the borders and at the same time making it a parallel force against the army. Thereby:

i) Reinstate the illegal Indian cross-border trade worth approximately USD 6 billion a year, with the surety of yearly expansion. That includes arms, drugs, weapons, explosives and low-quality goods that are custom-made for the poor, innocent and simple Bangladeshis.
ii) Keep a constant psychological rivalry between army and BDR and let a particular political party fish in the murky water.

iii) To take a two-way revenge for 15th August 1975 assassination and Roumari-Podua deaths of BSF. (May call it Alindia Conspiracy! Alindia=AL + India)

iv) To ensure India’s avenge of her primary failure to annex CHT with Tripura through Shanti Bahini’s attempt of winning autonomy. (The grudge is against Bangladesh Army.)

v) To teach Bangladesh Army a frightening lesson for its actions during and after 1/11.

vi) To destroy the morale and faith in command of the junior officers of Bangladesh Army by simply not allowing any military action on 25th February.

The plan had 2 parts. Let’s name them Plan A and Plan B.

Plan A. This was an overt plan. It was decided that there would be a hostage situation in BDR Darbar Hall on 25th February. The angry BDR troops would make all officers attending the darbar hostage and put forward their demand of ration, pay, UN mission etc, a total of 22 points. PM would then send CAS, Sahara and Nanak to negotiate. The demands of BDR would be met, making all negotiators heroes. It was quite obvious that DG BDR himself knew part of this plan. He had no choice but to accept the risk. Otherwise he had to face trial for his wife’s failed attempt to leave the country with Tk 6 Crore (or more) in late 2008. The wife of General Moeen rescued her and Major Mahbub (later Mahbub left the job and went to UK). There was an obvious share of CAS Moeen in that money. The tricky part of the plan, not known to DG BDR, was that he and DDG may be shot in the legs if the points were not met immediately. Plan A was known to CAS, new DG DGFI Mollah Fazle Akbar, DG NSI Monir, army CGS Sina, Lieutenant Colonels Quamruzzaman (communication in-charge BDR), Shams CO 44 Rifles, Mukim, Salam (Paramilitary wing DGFI). Plan A was a decoy. This plan was also known to most BDR troops stationed at Peelkhana. They were ready to force the hostage situation, demand withdrawal of army officers from BDR and realization of other 21 demands. Their false grievances against army officers were framed on a piece of paper that was to be faxed on 25th February to CAS Moeen’s secretariat, DG DGFI office and PM office and other important offices and media by Lieutenant Colonel Mukim.

What is the proof that DG BDR knew something was coming? The leaflet[vii] of BDR reached the hands of Commanding Officer RSU (Rifles Security Unit) Lieutenant Colonel Enshad Ibn Amin (martyred) on 21st February morning. He immediately rushed to DG BDR Shakil with a copy of the leaflet. General Shakil told him to make a counter leaflet and circulate immediately. On 23rd February, it was found out that three sub-machine guns were missing from the armory (kote) at Peelkhana. Following that discovery, officers were put on duty in the armory. And still the PM visited Peelkhana on 24th February!!! You know SSF ensures that the firing pins of all weapons on duty are removed when PM visits a military or para-military outfit. Even officers posted as guard commanders for PM are not allowed to have a weapon that can be fired. Only PGR and SSF officers carry usable weapons with ammunition. If this is the level of security for a PM visit, how come the PM visited Peelkhana on 24th February, where 3 machine guns were already reported missing? Officers are never given duty in the armory unless the situation is grave. Knowing what was about to unfold, the PM cancelled her planned dinner on 26th night at Peelkhana.

Plan B. This was an exclusive covert plan of the big evil brains and the masterminds. It was the pure and raw RAW. About 15 foreign gunmen were hired. They entered Bangladesh not on 11 January as reported in some dailies, but after 19 February 2009. A few of them entered through the Benapole border on 21st February when it was open for 5 hours for people of both sides willing to exchange greetings. They carried 16000 sweets to Dhaka out of the 1 lac sweets offered by the West Bengal government on the occasion of Ekushey February. The plan was deadly but simple. The gunmen would get their BDR uniform tailored by a civilian tailor (the tailor shop and person were traced by RAB during the initial investigation). As the BDR troops would execute Plan A, these hired killers would suddenly move in and kill about half of the red-tapers (Colonel and above). Then they would force other mutineers (Plan A party) to join them in the killing spree. They were to use a Bedford truck and enter through Gate 4. Another pick up was used to take in the arms and ammunition they were to use. These arms and ammunition were purchased by Haji Selim in mid February. This was spotted by a Prothom Alo journalist, who in turn went to NSI and informed that something was cooking up against Peelkhana involving BDR and politicians. But NSI warned him not to talk to anyone else. NSI itself also kept mum from the open forum. Frequent meetings took place involving BDR and Mirza Azam, Haji Selim, Nanak, Taposh and Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir. Torab Ali acted as a link between the BDR troops and Taposh, Nanak, Mirza Azam and Sohel Taj. The initiation of involvement of Taposh was during his election campaign. About 5000 BDR voters are registered under Dhaka-12 constituency of Taposh. BDR troops contacted Taposh via Torab Ali, AL president of Ward-48 under Dhaka-12. They assured Taposh that “Boat” would win at Dhaka-12 and all BDR voters would vote for him. At that point, 5000 votes meant a hell of a number. In return, BDR wanted their demands to be met. Taposh agreed and while the planning for the Peelkhana was being finalized, Taposh agreed that somehow he would assist BDR so that they were safely through with the mutiny and their demands realized. In the election, however, Taposh won by a big margin (126,780 to 69,494); which he could otherwise have won without BDR support. But his aim was not only to win the election, he had different motive as a member of the Sheikh family, which you can guess logically. The last meeting before the massacre was held at the place of Torab Ali in the evening on 24th February. Final oath of about 24 BDR key killers was taken at the Dhanmondi residence of Fazle Noor Taposh on the same day at night. Torab Ali and his son leather liton acted as the administrative support and safe house for the planners. There was a little problem with leather liton as he was apprehended by RAB on 10 January 2009 on a lot of criminal charges. Fortunately Taposh and other AL leaders could ensure his safe release by the end of January 2009. Sohel Taj was given the responsibility to ensure safe return of the killers to Middle-east, London and USA. It was decided that BG flight 049 would be used, if require it will be delayed to ensure safe exit of the foreign killers. A series of meetings were held at the residences of Taposh, Nanak and Mirza Azam with the key group of BDR killers lead by the DADs. One of such meetings was held at the Banani residence of Sheikh Selim on 13th February. Sohel Taj, also a resident of Banani, joined the meeting. After finalizing some issues and his duties overseas, Sohel Taj reportedly left for USA on 18th February. But we are confirm that Taj didn’t go to USA, rather he first visited India. As known by the entire nation, Taj was in USA during 25th-26th February. This is a blunt lie and bluff. He was at Dhaka at that time. On 28th February he was flown to Sylhet by an Army Aviation Helicopter in the evening and the same night he left for abroad by plane from Osmani Airport. Make a guess who was one of the pilots of that helicopter… It was Lieutenant Colonel Shahid, the unfortunate pilot who later died in the chopper crash with Major General Rafiqul Islam, GOC 55 Infantry Division. Do you accept the death of Lieutenant Colonel Shahid as a coincidence? It’s up to you. The final meeting of the hired killers was held at hotel Bab-Al-Shams in Dubai sometime on or near 19th of February. The meeting was attended by a Russian don Lazar Shybazan and a host of other Indians. The main focus of the meeting was to finalize the action and payment plan for Peelkhana massacre. Another meeting of the financiers was held at International Club (IC), Gulshan at Dhaka in early January, where the younger brother of Sohel Taaj attended. Plan B was known to the PM, Sheikh Selim (who was not available in his house on 25th and 26th February), Nanak, Taposh, Sohel Taj, Mirza Azam, Haji Selim, Abdul jalil, Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir and a few others. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir, Jahangir Kabir Nanak and Mirza Azam were in favor of total annihilation of officers at Peelkhana. As they approached PM, she initially was hesitant about the mass killing. However, PM herself gave the final nod for eliminating DG, his wife and Colonel Mujib before one week of the deadly mutiny (this piece of information was extracted by the young officers of RAB at TFI cell on the night of 12th April during interrogation of key BDR killers). However, CAS was told not to be emotional if DG and his wife were shot dead accidentally. His silence denoted his acceptance and approval. It was a good option for CAS because it would eliminate his partners of crime in the failed attempt to smuggle out Tk 6 crore (or much more). Nobody could then link CAS Moeen and his wife to that attempt. Plan B was also known to the key BDR personnel including DAD towhid, DAD jalil, DAD habib. Reportedly RAW pumped in about Rs 60 crore for the entire operation. It was Nanak’s responsibility to ensure the complete annihilation of army officers inside Peelkhana and it was the responsibility of Taposh, the local MP, to ensure the escape of BDR killers through Hazaribagh and Jhigatola area. Nanak was also responsible, along with local MP Taposh, to ensure safe exit of the hired killers by ambulance on 25th night, and the escape of the entire Peelkhana killers by 26th February. That is he instructed through miking that all residents of that area to keep out of 3km radius of Peelkhana. The ambulances to be used for the extrication of the hired killers were from Red Crescent hospital, led by an AL sympathizer, and from the clinic of the personal physician of the PM. On their way to the airport, the killers would be shifted to microbus (the number plates are with RAB. Probably fake plates were used). Hindu BDR men were carefully chosen and given duty in a way so that they could take part in burning the bodies of the officers to eliminate evidence (Monoranjan was such a BDR man). Success of Plan B totally depended on the ability of the government in preventing army to go in for a military solution and obliterating maximum evidence of murder from Peelkhana. That is why Nanak was given the responsibility to assume command inside Peelkhana. He is the person who ensured that the Darbar Hall was cleaned by BDR sweepers and maximum bodies were buried into mass graves during the darkened night of 25th and 26th February. All these he ensured by deliberately switching off the power line inside Peelkhana. Logically it seems that there was a contingency to meet any army action inside Peelkhana. CAS would be immediately sacked and all BDR sectors would be asked to kill the army officers. Then government would declare a vague ‘civil war’ situation and Indian Army would get in by air. To generate sympathy of world media in favor of the mutiny, Joy told world media on 26th February (Al Jazeera) that BDR mutiny was due to the corruption of army officers. Traitor son of a traitor mother indeed!!

To keep the BDR troops in good humor and in full faith about Tk 15-17 crore was distributed in Peelkhana between early and late February. Tk 4 lac was fixed per officer’s head and the total money was redistributed. The killer group of BDR, who were fixed before, had a much larger payment. The killers who joined later enthusiastically didn’t receive any additional payment during or after the massacre. The distribution of money for Plan A participants was mainly through the connections of Fazle Noor Taposh, and the payment for the DADs and the main killer group was handled by Nanak. Payment for the hired killers was arranged by Sohel Taj and Joy, some advance made in Hotel Bab-Al-Shams in Dubai earlier.

Contingencies. You know that always there has to be a contingency to every plan. It means what to do when a plan goes wrong, which normally does. So, what was the contingency for Peelkhana massacre plan? Here we consider only two of the contingencies:

If the Nation Knows about AL Involvement in Peelkhana Massacre, what to do?

A totalitarian effort involving newly-posted foot-licking officers of RAB, DGFI and Police would be used to create a fake link with JMB, Jamaat and BNP or any mafia group to the massacre. In addition to that, astonishing it may seem, appointment of Sahara Khatun was an artful deception by AL to meet this unforeseen situation. But why? A part of the buildup was under her inexperienced eyes. When BDR troops were contacting Nanak, Taposh, Taj and Mirza Azam with their demands and when they were getting their leaflets approved from them, the PM was approached and she instructed her partymen to send the BDR troops to discuss the issue with their Home Minister Sahara Khatun. As they approached Sahara Khatun with their points, she gave them a hearing and said that the points would be seen later. Unfortunately for Sahara, her culprit brother got entangled in the issue and allowed secret meetings of BDR and the AL leaders in his Hotel Imperial. The trap was complete. If ever the nation comes to know about the link of AL with the killers, Sahara would be linked to that and removed from her ministry, and actual Home Minister would replace her. So, in effect, Sahara Khatun is a decoy of AL. What if Nanak and others are also indicted in the Peelkhana massacre by the media and peoples’ opinion of Bangladesh (since investigations will surely spare them)? That was planned to be tackled by the art of gambit in chess. Sending Nanak to Singapore for a fake chest-pain treatment on 1st April from Labaid hospital was just the beginning of many gambits that the nation would witness.

What if the army retaliates on 25th and storms into Peelkhana to rescue their comrades and families? What answer AL would give to India for spending so much Indian money and brain of RAW for planning the massacre?

If army retaliated against 25th February massacre, Indian army, with the help of Indian air force was to get inside Bangladesh as an assisting force to the SOS call of PM (this was declared at a press conference by Indian foreign minister). This, together with the mutiny in all BDR units, would destabilize the entire country. This situation had been destined to be termed as “civil war” by the government, seeking foreign assistance. Indian Air Force was ready at Jorat Air Base in Assam with heavy lift and medium lift aircraft and 30,000 troops (statement of Indian newspapers known to all). More so, if at all army stormed in violating the government’s illegal order of not to do so, CAS Moeen would be sacked immediately along with other generals and officers involved in the supposed military intervention. Following that CAS Moeen would be put before trial for violating the PM’s order and also for the crimes he committed during the national emergency. This wonderful contingency silenced criminal CAS Moeen from even thinking about a military intervention to solve the mutiny issue swiftly. Moreover, in the event of a military intervention, BDR killers would be killed and captured. Then the government would have invested another Tk 5 Crore into the pockets of a few “yellow journalists” and propagate the message to the nation that the intervention was done without the PM’s consent and that some “innocent” BDRs were killed for their “right cause”...just what AL did after Padua and Roumari. The rest of the contingency plan could not be unearthed as yet. We have to wait and see what AL offers to the nation as the contingencies, if at all required.

Plan A and Plan B combined made the entire plan of Peelkhana massacre. This plan, executed with ruthless and cruel betrayal, became the worst possible single-event carnage of military officers in the entire history of mankind. Bangladesh may not hold any world record for outstanding achievements, but surely she will painfully shoulder this agony—the agony of a fratricide synonymous to social cannibalism.


Peelkhana massacre is not the end in itself. There are far-reaching plans and objectives, the beginning of which was on 25th February. However, that part has been kept out of the purview of this article.

No link with Nanak, Mirza Azam, Taposh, Sohel Taj, Haji Selim, Mohiudding Khan Alamgir and Abdul Jalil has been found in the inquiries so far and CID inquiry would produce the same. They will remain out of justice despite being the masterminds and traitors to the nation. All evidences against them have been destroyed. That is one of the many reasons for delaying submission day of investigation reports. The aim was simple: destroy actual evidence and create new evidence; block evidences from military investigation. After all, creating new evidence would take more time than the time required to destroy actual evidence, isn’t it? Only AL activist linked to Peelkhana would be the ward commissioner Torab Ali, who will be jailed for a few years for being part of the conspiracy. He may also be eliminated to conceal all AL connection with Peelkhana for good. But truth can never be destroyed. Truth shall prevail.

A few BDR killers will be hanged, but most of the killers will be jailed. This will be done deliberately as the impotent Kahhar Akhand has been brought back from LPR and given the job, despite of the fact that he contested in the last election for the post of an MP!! 24 types of crimes were committed in Peelkhana. No witness will bear the humiliation at the court for proving one kind of crime.

If situation worsens beyond the control of AL, the collaborators would slip into India. The aim will be to save Sheikh Hasina and Awami League, not the nation or the face of justice. Else, a few of AL lawmakers would be removed from their minister-ship on charges of failing to handle the mutiny correctly. Surely, one such scapegoat for AL will be Sahara Khatun.

It is most likely that AL, in collaboration with RAW, will stage bomb attacks or similar anarchies all over the country, panicking the general mass about JMB and creating hatred against Islam in the country. This will also be a diversion for taking peoples’ minds away from Peelkhana trial. AL surely has chalked out other plans of diversion in coordination with RAW. The nation will be fooled again.

The present AL government is outrageously overconfident in dealing with the nation. It is already clear how AL is bringing down the price of rice by accelerated import from India and at the same time putting our poor farmers into financial peril by not taking care of the buying price of the Boro production. AL is also desperate enough to bring in India if threatened by internal situation. Pronob of India already said, “India will not tolerate any attempt to touch the hair of Sheikh Hasina.” So, it is no more India, it is India+AL against Bangladesh. Indian foreign secretary came discreetly to Bangladesh on 12th April, which was kept secret from the press initially. But the smart press people broke in. The secretary met PM, Foreign Minister, Home Minister, CAS Moeen and others. The purpose was simple: coordinate the future plan and discuss the latest instructions of RAW. And still the intellectuals of Bangladesh will praise AL government and lick the foot of their Indian parents. AL is about to reward the garments workers by providing them rice on OMS. This is in gratitude of the help they provided to AL during the pre-1/11 period by carrying out destruction and creating unrest at Dhaka.

It is nothing new for AL. Awami League was the introducer of “burning people alive” in Bangladesh. A bus full of passengers was set afire near Syedabad in 1995-96. Before that incident, such crimes were found in Assam, but never in Bangladesh. Sheikh Hasina is the leader of AL, the party who sent abroad Century Manik to avoid trial after he came into the media limelight. If you kindly recall, Manik openly celebrated his 100th rape of Jahangirnagar University girls by cutting cake in a party with his accomplices. Rape is not uncommon in society, but it is regarded as a crime even under warring conditions. We would request the entire learned community of Bangladesh to find out one example from the history of mankind where “100 girls of a university are raped by a single political activist over a long period of time, and he celebrated it openly with his accomplices like a birthday. Later, as a reward for creating such a history, that rapist is sent abroad by the head of the government of that country.” We have something more to add about the killing psyche of AL. Dr Afsarul Amin, a minister of present AL government, and his accomplice Dr Bakhtiar, were responsible for the killing of the daughters of the Principal of Chittagong Medical College in late 1970s. They were the President and GS of student body of CMCH. They tried to kill the Principal as he was the only bar for their completion of MBBS. But unfortunately, when they tried to shoot the Principal in his residence, the daughters of the Principal were killed. Afsarul Amin and Bakhtiar were sentenced to death and the sentence was upheld by Supreme Court. However, later President Abdus Sattar granted them President’s mercy in the early 1980s. That convicted killer Mr Afsarul Amin is now a minister of Bangladesh! Dr Bakhtiar was working in the Middle East in the administration of a hospital, lately he joined in a memorial hospital in Chittagong. As such, it is not surprising that AL will kill and rape the nation a
nd sell the wrecked country to India in a way that would not be felt by the innocent mass of Bangladesh, who will feel contented with rice at Tk 16 per kg.

What about BNP and Jamaat and other parties? Don’t worry! BNP took the level and magnitude of financial corruption to a new incomprehensible height in Bangladesh led by Tareq Zia and his associates. BNP sucks out money and ensures murder of the nation by politicization of government machineries; and AL kills people and ensures molestation of the nation by politicization of the entire government and non-government machineries. Most of the politicians of the country are self-seeking animals; they give a damn to what happens to the nation and the people who elect them. No party is patriotic in Bangladesh. Only the degree of betrayal with the nation varies from party to party. More so, the nation will not be surprised if BNP and AL strike a compromise keeping Peelkhana issue in one side and the other issues against BNP and its allies, including the house at Moinul road, on the other. God only knows when Bangladesh would have a truly patriotic political party, where the percentage of betrayal would be almost zero. We are, some time, forced to think that AL and BNP have an underhand liaison to destroy the entire nation and make their fortune.

Please note that AL will want another internal clash in the army that would separate the officers and troops. India, along with US, would eagerly await an opportunity to enter militarily into Bangladesh for a brief period in the guise of Multi-national Force. Surely enough, bewildered Bangladeshis will observe with horror the emergence of AL as another Rajakar force in that situation.

And finally, CAS Moeen might be rewarded with the ambassadorship to USA or UN. If so, he will become the most corrupted Bangladeshi culprit-cum-criminal ever to represent our beloved land on foreign soil.

So, justice remains at the discretion of the people of Bangladesh, and of course, the ultimate justice is surely with the Omnipotent Creator. Shall we never be lucky enough to see justice on our piece of beautiful land?

What we shall do? How long we shall have to keep saying, “Bangladeshey jonmoi amar ajonmo paap!”?

Thank you very much for your time.

Research Team. 1st June 2009.

Is there any courageous patriotic media-person who could translate this article into Bangla and publish it in any newspaper with a disclaimer saying, “The opinions and information expressed in this article are not of the editor or any other correspondent of this paper”…

[i] As the GOC 24 Infantry Division, Moeen managed 75% of the expenditure of his daughter’s marriage from army fund! Each brigade and unit was tasked to provide goats, cows, chicken, rice, and decoration from private funds. East Bengal Regimental Centre was tasked to organize the marriage ceremony. And this man gives speeches about anti-corruption and dishonesty!

[ii] Lately DGFI has circulated anonymous letter to many army officers defaming Brigadier General Nasir. Probably he will be ruthlessly sorted out by the present government.

[iii] Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) is the prime Indian intelligence agency working abroad. Other agencies operating inside Bangladesh are Intelligence Bureau (IB, which trains and harbors terrorists), Special Security Bureau (SSB, which operates on behalf of RAW), Special Frontier Force (SFF, which carries out special subversive missions) etc. One of the meeting places for RAW operatives in Bangladesh is the Indian Cultural Centre at Mohammadpur, Dhaka.

[iv] Creation of 1/11 was a RAW job in connivance with USA and Israel. It needs broad elaboration, which we hope to circulate later. However, the truly learned persons know for sure that 1/11 was indeed an Indo-US-Jew creation.

[v] General Moeen, in collaboration with Major General ATM Amin ex DG DGFI, orchestrated an election in 2008 to bring AL in power. Ballot boxes filled in with pre-sealed AL ballots were handed over by DGFI in some crucial seats of the country. That’s why ATM Amin was pardoned from the inquiry against him as he had 2 Sub-machine Guns in his jeep when he attended the BDR Parade reviewed by PM. The nation also knows about the pre-casting of 30% votes in collaboration with the polling officers in many centers all over the country.

[vi] You need not to “swear in” to become a RAW agent. By actions you would be unknowingly working for RAW. That’s the beauty of RAW strategy.

[vii] First published in Amader Shomoy, a daily financed and partly sponsored by DGFI.

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