India not shining any more

It's a testimony to the lingering effects of a four-decades-old socialistic economy. Each time India makes a policy move towards creating wealth, it does so with a grudging sense of sacrifice and insistence it's doing the world, specifically the United States and the West, a favour.

The most recent example came in November when India's coalition government, headed by the Congress party, attempted to liberalise investment by foreign companies in organised retail. Protests from the opposition soon had the government retracing its steps.

Such backtracking and a logjam on reforms explain how India, in three years, has gone from being globali-sation's poster child to becoming the laggard among the major emerging economies. In 2008-09, India and China were the standout survivors of the financial crisis, invited to the Group of Twenty high table and expected to steer the course for 21st century commerce. As the sun sets on 2011, however, key stakeholders in the Indian economy are contemplating rough, cold nights ahead.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's government had proposed that 51% foreign direct investment be allowed in the multi-brand retail space. This would have let companies such as Walmart and Carrefour, banned from investing a dollar in front-end retail stores in India, set up shop in Asia's third-largest economy. The Singh government also announced a decision to enhance permissible FDI in single-brand retail -- Marks and Spencer or Apple outlets being examples -- to 100% from the previous 51%. With the government's retreat, the multi-brand decision is off, though the single-brand policy change will go ahead.

The FDI-in-retail controversy is telling for three reasons. First, it's a reminder that despite the country being among the biggest beneficiaries of the globalisation process over the past two decades significant sections of Indian society remain deeply suspicious of foreign investment and are too willing to believe downright bizarre conspiracy theories. In the past fortnight, several public figures -- including Gandhian activist Kisan Baburao "Anna" Hazare, who has emerged in 2011 as India's leading anti-corruption crusader -- actually compared multi-brand retail chains like Walmart to the East India Company. Arriving in India in the early 17th century as a trading entity, the East India Company eventually raised its own army and government and became India's paramount power by the mid-18th century.

Second, the outcry has pointed to the difficulties of pursuing even fairly obviously needed economic reform and policy change in India's extraordinarily competitive and fractious democracy. Limits to foreign equity in retail are decided by executive order and do not require parliamentary approval and legislation change. 

Nevertheless facing broad opposition -- ranging from the Communists to the notionally rightwing but economically confused Bharatiya Janata Party -- and blackmail by junior parties in the ruling coalition, particularly the Trinamool Congress regional party that runs the eastern state of Bengal, the government had to capitulate.

Finally, the episode renewed pressure on the Singh government to restore India's momentum. Growing at close to 10% three years ago, the economy is showing alarming signs of slowdown. GDP growth in 2011-12 -- the Indian financial year runs from April to March -- is likely to fall below 7%, against the government's target of 9%. The fiscal deficit is certain to overshoot the 4.6% figure promised in the 2011 budget and could be closer to 6%. The rupee is sliding at a historic low vis-à-vis the dollar.

Statistics released by the government report that in October 2011 industrial production declined 5.1% compared to the same month in 2010. The contraction in the capital goods sector was an astonishing 25.5%, indicating business pessimism and wariness in investing in new capacities. Declining FDI and investor confidence in India's capital markets are also causing concern.

Unremitting inflation and the government's use of fiscal measures to check it -- the Reserve Bank of India has raised interest rates 13 times in the past 20 months -- have created a vicious circle. "The economy," Anand Mahindra, managing director of the Mahindra Group and among India's best-known business tycoons, tweeted on December 12, "is in a perfect storm."

To optimise the advantages of an interlinked economic system, a country needs to keep its eyes not just on globalisation, but another "g" word -- governance. This is where India has faltered. Complacent about the inevitability of rapid growth, the Congress-led government has an internal dilemma as to the necessity and political legitimacy of deregulation, decontrol and market-friendly reform. While Prime Minister Singh is clearly a believer, his party president and political boss, Sonia Gandhi, does not see growth as an overriding priority -- and the mounting bill of a range of welfare and dole programmes she favours have combined to leave a devastating impact. Paradoxically, the rural constituency she is keen to protect would have benefited the most from the now botched reform. One Indian economist warns that India could easily become another Brazil: "We've been hearing about Brazil as the next great power since the 1960s. Every few years it offers hope, but never does take off."

The initiative to allow greater FDI in retail came after a considerable reformist lull. It was an attempt by Singh to break the perception of policy paralysis. As it happens, his government has been buffeted by a series of corruption scandals for the past year and depleted its reserves of political capital. As India's finance minister admitted while putting the FDI decision "on hold," to persevere with opening up retail at this stage was to risk a midterm election. Essentially the government waved the white flag.

Ironically, a robust presence of big retail could provide India medium-run solutions to some notably trenchant challenges -- food inflation, the lack of agricultural productivity and produce wastage. Deploying the wage-arbitrage principle, as exploited, for instance, by India's information technology industry, could have someday made Indian farmers meaningful exporters of food. That aside, the transcontinental supply chains of retail behemoths such as Walmart would also bring gains to Indian consumers, given half of India's gross domestic product is driven by private consumption.

Instead, the perennial chicken-or-egg conundrum has been used to thwart FDI in retail. Critics have argued global manufacture will swamp Indian markets and under-mine Indian manufacture. Others have claimed that a network of politically influential intermediaries -- who end up squeezing both food producers and consumers -- will lose out and deserve protection. The truth is every piece of policy change presents immediate losers and winners. Yet without short-term turbulence and risk-taking, the long-term potential may never be reached.

India's politicians, 20 years after their country opened its economy to the world, should have come to grips with this basic verity of policymaking. For some reason they haven't, or more likely wilfully refused. As a result, there is an unwillingness as well as inability to sell economic reform and globalisation to a broader domestic constituency using an idiom with expansive appeal. In their smugness, India's political leaders expect the rest of the planet to wait until they fine-tune that idiom. Meanwhile, the rest of the planet may decide to just get on with life and pass India by.

BY :  Ashok Malik.

Border Violence Tests Fragile Peace on India-Bangladesh Frontier

A video clip showing a Bangladeshi man being beaten by Indian guards is testing the fragile peace on what has been called one of the world’s bloodiest borders. The footage, which was released on YouTube, shows an alleged cow smuggler being stripped and beaten by guards somewhere along the 1300-mile frontier that abuts the Indian state of West Bengal. Although it is illegal to export cows from India, demand from neighboring Bangladesh fuels a $500 million market, and an estimated 1.5 million cows are moved across the border each year. The incident made headlines in both countries, sparking fear of escalation.

Although India helped Bangladesh gain independence from Pakistan in 1971 — Bangladesh was at the time “East Pakistan”, separated from its western half by the Indian landmass — relations between the two countries are frequently tense, particularly along the border. The illegal cow trade, arms smuggling, disputes over water rights and illegal migration regularly cause trouble. On Jan. 7, 2011, Felani Khatun,  a 15-year-old girl who was illegally crossing the border with her father to get married in Bangladesh, was shot dead. A man named Mohammed Rashed was shot and killed by the Indian border guards on Jan. 21, giving rise to anti-India sentiment in Bangladesh. Both incidents sparked outrage and are credited with fueling anti-Indian sentiment in Bangladesh.

Strained as the relationship may be, there are reasons for optimism. Over the last few years, the two countries have signed a series of agreements to ease tension on the border. In March 2011, both parties agreed on the use of non-lethal weapons by the border guards and in Sept. 2011, the neighbors inked a protocol agreement clarifying the demarcation of the land boundary. Experts say these modest steps may have prevented the violence from spreading. “When the news came out it created a lot of concern,” said Veena Sikri, a former Indian high commissioner to Bangladesh. But, she said, “ties between India and Bangladesh are very robust and one incident cannot be a setback as long as there is political will.”

Indeed, the reaction from both sides has been measured. India’s Border Security Force condemned the violence as “despicable” and eight soldiers were suspended. They also ordered a high-level inquiry into the affair. On Saturday, India’s finance minister, Pranab Mukherjee, said that the incident would not impact bilateral relations and that there was “no need to blow up such incidents.” Mukherjee also assured reporters in Kolkata that the two countries will “settle the matter through dialogue.” In Dhaka, meanwhile, Syed Ashraful Islam, a government minister, dismissed the video as “nothing new.”

They are wise to be cautious. Bangladesh is one of India’s most important trading partners, with trade totaling $5.09 billion in 2010-2011.  There is also fear that anti-Indian sentiment could be used as a pretense for a coup in Bangladesh, an outcome that would surely hurt both sides. “New Delhi needs to guard against becoming an unwitting cause for political instability in its eastern neighbor,” warned a recent editorial in The Hindu, an leading English-language Indian daily. Prosecuting the guards is a start, but the real challenge is preventing another incident. “Human rights abuses anywhere, everywhere [have] to be looked at,” Sikri said. “Action has to be taken.”

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Bangladesh coup bid or conspiracy?

India must take some bold steps quickly to let Dhaka know that as a friendly neighbour it is committed to help the country and its people.

As the dust over an attempted coup or conspiracy in Bangladesh settles, it is confirmed that the Indian intelligence agencies warned army top brass in Dhaka about the conspiracy hatched against the Shaikh Hasina government. On this occasion, the Bangladesh army acted in time and nipped the defiance in the bud. 

In 1975 too when Bangabandhu Shaikh Mujibur Rehman and 15 of his family members were killed by the army, Indian intelligence had warned about an attack on Shaikh Mujib. But then the top brass were themselves in the midst of coup and the army deliberately did not act. The result is known to all. 

That the Bangladesh army is not interested in taking over the country was clear when it gave back power to the civil authority in 2008 and held free and fair elections which returned Shaikh Hasina with a three-fourths majority in parliament. When the army was backing the caretaker government and cleansing the stable, it found the top politicians of both Shaikh Hasina's Awami League and Khaleda Zia's Nationalist Bangladesh Party involved in corruption. Many in the army were worried that the revival of the political process would bring in its wake the same old graft. Yet the army preferred civil rule and bowed to the prerogative of the people to have their representatives in power. 

Things are not what the electorate expected and the administration has been found wanting in many ways respects. Corruption and nepotism are back with a vengeance. Yet it is the people who have to fight against such evils. The army cannot do the job because this is the difference between democracy and dictatorship. 

Disgruntled elements

"Instigated by some non-resident Bangladeshis, a band of fanatic retired and serving officers led a failed attempt to thwart the democratic system by creating anarchy in the army, banking on others' religious zeal," said the army statement, adding that "such heinous attempts are being foiled." 

It is apparent that the coup was attempted by a few elements representing religious fanaticism and disgruntled army officers. The fundamentalists are unhappy because they have been firmly suppressed by the Hasina government which is liberal and secular. Yet there are other forces which are inimical to India and they resort to all kinds of methods to foul the atmosphere. That was also the case when Shaikh Mujib was killed. He too did not show any quarter to the extremists and the forces that were unhappy over the creation of Bangladesh.

Shaikh Hasina has regretted that the Islamists have penetrated the army. It is ominous because this is what has happened in Pakistan as well. 

My information is that the coup leaders this time were helped by forces operating from India. The rump of United Liberation Front of Asom was there and so were the hostile Nagas. The Manipur insurgents were also part of the conspiracy. It is strange that while Bangladesh does not allow any anti-India forces to operate from its soil, as it used to happen in the past, India is lethargic and inactive. 

For the larger picture, New Delhi must share the blame. It fails to have connectivity with Dhaka. Promises made in the fields of trade, power and business have remained unfulfilled. Shaikh Hasina has done so much unilaterally to foster good relations that there are many people in Bangladesh who are resentful. Yet bureaucrats in Delhi are not allowing the implementation of what Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had signed with the Bangladesh prime minister in terms of trade, power and money. Bureaucrats are not anti-Bangladesh but they represent the red tape which retards progress of any plan or project. 

I recall when Bangladesh broke away from Pakistan, Delhi made a five-year plan which would dovetail Dhaka's economic projects with those of India. It was an undertaking to develop the region as a whole. New Delhi was reminded often but there was little follow-up. 

The failed coup is not only a warning but also an opportunity for the government in New Delhi. It must take some bold steps quickly to let the people disillusioned in Bangladesh with Shaikh Hasina's government know that India r will go to any limit to help Bangladesh in its needs and, at the same time, foster closer relations with Dhaka. 

Singh transferred a few tracts of land in Assam to Bangladesh, its rightful owner. He should bring the constitutional amendment in the next session of parliament to make what is de facto as de jure. The BJP and some elements in Assam are opposed to the transfer. But they must realise that this is the territory which belongs to Bangladesh and has stayed wrongly with India for some 40 years. One recurring complaint of Dhaka is that border police is cruel to any Bangladesh national who even strays into India by mistake. 

Television channels have shown recently how the border police was beating a boy mercilessly because he had crossed the border by mistake. 

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee would be well advised to visit Bangladesh where she is popular and where the expectation is that she would make amends for her absence from the Prime Minister's team that visited Dhaka a few weeks ago. 

BY : Kuldip Nayar.

Analysing the failed Coup in Bangladesh

The news of a coup attempt by ‘fanatic’ mid-level officers instigated and supported by some Bangladeshi expatriates and retired Army officials that was foiled by the Bangladesh Army did not come as a major surprise. There have been whispers about such a conspiracy in Dhaka’s power corridors for quite some time. The fear that such a possibility cannot be completely ruled out re-emerged after the 2009 mutiny by the Bangladesh Rifles, in which 59 Army officers were killed. There were indications that the BDR mutiny might have been instigated by Islamists who feared reprisals from the secular forces that had come to power in the December 2008 general elections. The Awami League government’s reluctance to allow an immediate Army operation against the mutineers was touted as a major source of anger among many army officers. Even though there were three inquiry commissions into the 2009 incident, the reason and motivations behind that mutiny have not been established in any conclusive manner. 

There are reports that some officers involved in the recent plot were linked to the urban radical Islamist group -- the Hizb ut-Tahrir (HuT) -- which was banned by the Bangladesh government in 2009. HuT has been active in Bangladesh since 2001 and had been campaigning against the Awami League. Its activists were seen distributing pamphlets in various mosques during the military-backed caretaker regime. In spite of the crackdown on them during that period, they had remained active. It needs to be emphasised that like the Jamaat, the Hizbut Tahrir has strong links with Bangladeshi expatriates in the UK, who subscribe to its views. The HuT Bangladesh website reads “O Army Officers! Remove Hasina, the killer of your brothers and establish the Khilafah to save yourselves and the Ummah from subjugation to US-India” (http://www.khilafat.org/index.php).

After assuming office in January 2009, Hasina has taken steps to deal with Islamic radicals. Regular raids, arrests of radicals and seizure of arms and ammunition have paralysed the Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and other terrorist groups. The war crime trial for the purpose of which five Jamaat-i-Islami leaders and two BNP leaders were arrested is also in progress. Coupled with these efforts to address the rise of radicalism, the Bangladesh Supreme court declared the 5th and 8th amendments to the country’s Constitution as illegal and termed military coups as unconstitutional, thus facilitating the Awami League’s objective of restoring the 1972 constitution. The government, keeping in mind the present political reality, has restored the four foundational principles of liberation and Article 12 which dealt with secularism, while retaining Article 2 (b) pertaining to Islam as the state religion. It also retained the article that allowed religious political parties to operate on a non-communal basis. 

All this has angered many Islamists who feel that their electoral base will shrink if Hasina continues in power. The Islamists hope that the Army will come to their rescue as they have openly supported military rule in the past. 

The Army has always been politically divided along party lines, although traditionally its sympathies have been with the BNP. Nevertheless, in the past, the tussle between officers who fought for the liberation and those who did not has led to as many as 19 coup attempts; the previous unsuccessful attempt came in 1996 and was led by General Abu Saleh Mohammad Nasim, a freedom fighter.

Interestingly, the latest arrests of Army officials plotting a coup was made public against the backdrop of Begum Zia, Chairperson of the BNP, alleging at a rally held in Chittagong on January 9 that the government had a role in the disappearance of Army officers and is engaged in confining and torturing them. While Khaleda’s statement was publicly refuted by the Inter Service Public Relation (ISPR), the Army admitted that it was indeed trying some officers for dereliction of duty as per its rules. Perhaps, the Army felt compelled to admit to the coup attempt after various media reports revealed the arrest of some Army officials. 

According to the ISPR statement, the coup was unearthed in December 2011 when some middle level officers numbering around 16, whom the Army termed as ‘religious fanatics’, were attempting to recruit sympathizers for carrying out a coup. Some of these officers who were approached informed senior Army officials about it. 

At the centre of the controversy is a Lieutenant Colonel who has been arrested and a Major who is absconding. According to media reports, the Facebook profile of the main conspirator, Major Zia, noted that “Army is soon going to bring change”. This has to be seen against the backdrop of fears raised by certain quarters in Bangladesh that some cadres of religious parties recruited into the Army during the BNP-led coalition government rule may act as supporters in such a coup.

The coup attempt was not just aimed at derailing democracy but at stopping the ongoing war crimes trial. The BNP, which initially supported the trial, has come out openly against it. It has questioned the objectives of the trial and has been pressing the government to stop it. Initially, some Muslim countries had tried to dissuade Bangladesh from opening the cases in this regard. However, in the face of popular demand to try the people involved in war crimes, the government refused to buckle under such pressure from foreign countries.

To bring about any political change in the country which is currently ruled by a party that has overwhelming majority, it was imperative for the Islamists to enlist the support of the Army. But the fact remains that the Army itself is struggling to wriggle out of its historical legacy of military coups and the resulting stigma. The latest coup attempt by radicals within the army indicates the penetration of Islamists and more specifically that of the Hizb ut-Tahrir whose main support base is among the educated youth, who are highly motivated and belong to affluent families in urban areas. The coup attempt is also an indication of the nature as well as future direction of radicalism whose fulcrum lies in the relatively more affluent urban space rather than in the impoverished madrassas that are generally believed to be a source of fundamentalism in Bangladesh.

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Tipaimukh Barrage: India’s Unlimited Thirst For Water

All the major rivers in the subcontinent including the Ganges, the Jamuna, the Brahmaputra have their origins at the foot of the Himalaya and then flow through different states of India before entering into the Bangladesh territory and merging into the sea. Since these rivers flow through the territories of more than one country, as per international law, the concerned countries have also got inalienable right on the use of the waters of the rivers. The countries where the rivers have their origins do not have the absolute right to divert, preserve and withdraw water without the concurrence of the lower riparian country. The Danube in Europe, the Mississippi in the North America, the Amur in central Asia, the Mekong in the Far East and the Nile in Africa have flown through the territories of several countries and all the countries of the delta enjoy equal rights on the waters of these rivers.

In case of the Indian sub continent there has been an exception. Since many of the major rivers have originated from the hills and mountains in India, Delhi felt it has absolute right on the waters of the rivers. India, in flagrant violation of international law, began diverting the water from the Ganges to Hugli and Bhagirathi rivers in order to ensure all weather navigation of the Calcutta port. It began constructing a barrage at Farakka in 1961 in order to preserve and then divert water before it could flow into the territory of Bangladesh. Pakistan Government objected to this water diversion plan but India argued that the Ganges has mostly flown through its own territory and therefore it has got all the rights to build any project on the river. India at the end agreed to discuss with the then Pakistan government on the sharing of water. Meanwhile it continued the construction and in 1974 the Farakka barrage was completed. In April 1975 India secured the consent of the then Bangladesh Government to have a test run of the project for six weeks but the project continued even after the six weeks period came to an end. Following the change of political scenario in Bangladesh, India began massive withdrawal of water at Farakka since mid 1975 causing colossal damage to agriculture, navigation and ecology of the districts under Khulna and Rajshahi divisions.

Farakka long-march

Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, the veteran leader lodged a strong protest to India against its unilateral decision to divert the Ganges water. He sent a personal letter to the then Indian Prime Minister asking her to take steps to immediately decommission the project. The Maulana also decided to lead a long-march to the project which people from all walks of life whole heartedly supported. He addressed a huge public meeting at Chapai Nawabganj, close to Bangladesh – India border on 16 May 1976 and asked the Indian Government to let Bangladesh have its rightful share of the water. He also advised the Bangladesh Government to seek a solution of the problem through diplomatic means. The Maulana had thus united the entire nation on this national issue. Later on at the relentless efforts of B.M. Abbas, the distinguished water resource specialist, India and Bangladesh concluded Ganges water sharing agreement in 1977 for five years. This agreement was at later stage extended through modifications and amendments but specialists claim that Bangladesh continues to be deprived of its due share of water.

No Teesta deal

On the sharing of water from the river Teesta India dragged its feet for decades. Pakistan Government took up the issue with New Delhi as early as in 1955 but India always sought more and more data on the flow of water. Later on Bangladesh Government sought a water sharing agreement but India remained non committal.  At the same time India began diverting water from the Teesta to the river Mahananda at the point north of Bangladesh territory.  An interim water sharing agreement was reached in 1983 under which Bangladesh was allocated 36% of the available water while India got 39% and remaining 25% kept as reserve which was ultimately squandered by India. Bangladesh lobbied for a long term agreement but India showed little interest. Following protracted negotiation India agreed to sign the Teesta water sharing agreement during the Indian Prime Minister’s visit to Bangladesh in September but at the last moment India backed out. Bangladesh Finance Minister claimed that within the next three months the Teesta agreement would be concluded. Since then three and a half months have passed, no progress has been made. Indian Prime Minister has reportedly said recently that it would take some more time to conclude Teesta water sharing agreement. Meanwhile the flow of water at the site of Teesta project in Rangpur has continued to decline and should the situation remain unchanged there would be severe adverse effect on the agriculture, navigation and ecology in greater Rangpur, Bogra and Pabna districts.

It was in mid 2009, the Indian High Commissioner in Dhaka announced his government’s decision to go ahead with the Tipaimukh project located hundred kilometres northeast of Bangladesh-India border. People from all walks of life reacted strongly. They believe that the Tipaimukh project would bring about a colossal damage to the northeast region of the country of the scale equal to that of the Farakkha. People advised the government to take a firm position and dissuade the Indian Government from implementing the project. Bangladesh Government sent a delegation to India to discuss with Indian officials and visit the project. The delegation comprised of the members of the Parliament but none of them were either engineer or water resource experts. They went to India but could not visit the site of the project due to inclement weather. Upon return they submitted the report but nobody knew their findings as it was never made public. Couple of delegates reportedly dismissed any fear of damage on Bangladesh due to the construction of the project. Indian High Commissioner further clarified that the proposed project would be different from the Farakkha as it would not divert water from the river Barak. It would instead, arrange storage of water to generate electricity.  Our leaders and officials felt a sigh of relief.

Tipaimukh project details

The Government of India decided to build the Tipaimukh project as early as in 2003. The 390 meters long and 163 meters high dam, once completed, would likely to generate 1500 megawatt of electricity but experts claim the electricity generated would not be more than 400 megawatt. The reservoir would store 15.5 billion cubic feet of water equivalent to the annual rainfall of the entire Barak delta. By retaining such a huge quantum of rain water at the reservoir the project would dangerously disrupt the flow of water to the rivers Surma, Kushiara and the Meghna and their tributaries. The water levels in the low lying areas of Sunamganj, Habiganj, Kishorganj and Netrokuna would also decline. The flow of water on the twelve rivers in the region connected to Surma and Kushiara would reduce causing severe damage to navigation, irrigation and ecology in the area.

The Government of India has recently signed contracts with three local firms for the construction of the Tipaimukh barrage. Once this was highlighted by the media in Dhaka people rose in strong protest. They dismissed the recent assurance of the Indian Prime Minister that India would not do anything at the Tipaimukh that would be harmful to Bangladesh. Sensing the anger of the people the Bangladesh Prime Minister sent two of her advisors to New Delhi to convey the deep concerns of the people of Bangladesh. Upon return they dismissed the concerns of the people and one of them even suggested that Bangladesh would gain if it invested in the project. Earlier the Foreign Secretary mentioned at a press briefing that he felt assured at the assurance of New Delhi. The Foreign Minister echoed similar feelings. The irony is that none of these officials, advisors and Minister is expert on water resources but feels confident on the assurance of the Indians that the project would cause no harm to Bangladesh. This raised questions on their wisdom and competence.

Can the Indians be trusted?

Is there any scope to trust the Indian leaders and officials? They commissioned the Farakkha barrage only for six weeks in April 1975 but the project continued to withhold and divert water for decades. The massive withdrawal of the Ganges water has brought about colossal damage to the agriculture, navigation and on all aspects of the rural economy in the north western region of Bangladesh worth billions of dollars. Bangladesh and India signed Long term Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation in 1973 but soon after the political change in Bangladesh, India began training and arming the dissidents. Under the cover of the Indian security force the dissidents armed with weapons supplied by India carried out subversive activities inside Bangladesh. This was a wanton disregard of the Treaty.

India began building fences along the Bangladesh-India boarder. Indian infiltrators with the support of the BSF move deep inside Bangladesh territory to take the harvest and steal the livestock. People passing around the fences are shot and killed by the BSF. According to the Human Rights Watch 74 Bangladeshi nationals were killed, 72 were wounded and 43 were abducted by the BSF in the year 2010 alone. Only a few months ago a young girl was killed by the BSF and her dead body was kept hanging on the fences for several hours before it was handed over to the Bangladesh authority. Assurances from different levels of Indian authority have not changed the situation at all.  Around 52 rivers have originated from the hills and mountains in India and flew over Bangladesh territory before being exhausted into the sea. India has built dams almost on all these rivers and continued to withdraw water at its own requirement. During the lean season Bangladesh does not get required quantum of water while in rainy season huge amount of water is released to cause flooding in the area. India ignores the concerns made through the Joint River Commission and at other forums. These are flagrant violations of the long term Treaty.

Friendship spurned

In the past forty years successive governments in Bangladesh have extended their hands of friendship and cooperation to India but India behaved in its own way. India took whatever she needed and in return let loose terrorism at the border, resorted to water theft and undue interference in the internal affairs of Bangladesh. In disguise of secularism India has emerged as one of the most vicious communal countries in the world.

Muslims, Christians and low caste Hindus in India live as secondary citizen in their own homeland. Even after sixty years of independence the minority communities undergo untold sufferings at the hands of the radical elements of Hindu Mahashaba and Jana Sangha. The historical Babri Mosque was demolished by these communal forces in connivance with the central government in New Delhi. Arunditi Ray has brilliantly articulated the sufferings of the minority communities in India. This is why she earned the wrath of the communal forces and became person non-grata back at home. India has shown very little respect to human rights in suppressing the freedom movement in Jammu and Kashmir.

Kashmiri-Canadian Council, a human rights watchdog reported that 47,455 people have been killed in Kashmir since October 1989. The Independent Peoples Tribunal led by Justice H. Sharma, a retired Judge of the Bombay High Court confirmed that “in quite a number of cases where the victim had been killed, the courts have not even awarded any compensation to the next of kin. We have also some cases where the complainants have been made to go from one court to the other for nearly two decades, with no relief whatsoever.” India is brutally silencing the activists demanding greater autonomy for their regions in Assam, Nagaland, Mizoram and the Tribal areas in Madhya Pradesh.

Bangladesh is not the only victim of India’s hegemony. India trained and armed the Tamil militants who unsuccessfully fought to partition Sri Lanka. The civil war lasted for more than twenty five years, killed over sixty thousand people and made millions homeless. India suspended the transit facility to landlocked Nepal in 1991 which was fully dependent on Calcutta port for its external trade. The transit facility was restored only after the international community mounted pressure on India. Her attitude towards the arch rival Pakistan is well known. India is quick to blame Pakistan for all outlawed activities happening in the country. Sikkim was annexed to the Indian union through coercion. Kuldip Nayar tries to remind Indian leaders and policy makers that the fair play would bring more dividend than the benefits extracted from neighbours through coercion and manipulation. But his advice falls on deaf ears.

Record of broken trusts

Given India’s records of broken trusts the Government and political leadership in Bangladesh will be well advised not to fall prey to India’s false assurances. Instead, effective political steps should be taken to safeguard national interests. An all party resolution asking the Government of India to refrain from constructing Tipaimukh project should be immediately tabled in the parliament. This will be a significant step in building national unity. India is taking advantage of our lack of unity and striking hard on our national interests. A nation of 160 million people, once united, cannot be bullied or harassed. In this critical juncture our hope rests with the youth. They will have the courage, determination and patriotism to challenge the enemies of national unity and sovereignty.

BY :  Abdur Rahman Chowdhury.